PART I.—The Awa Khamis, Ahraing Khamis, and Mros.

Mro people traditional dance image during the" Mro National day", in Arakan State.

 PART I.—The Awa Khamis, Ahraing Khamis, and Mros in the ChinHill Area (Saingdin), Buthidaung Township, by U Ba Thin, AssistantTownship Officer, Buthidaung.

Region.—Buthidaung Chin Hill Area, which is generally known as Saingdin, is a hilly

region, having a population of about 3,390, of which 1,729 are males. The principal races are: (1)

Awa Khami, (2) Mro, (3) Ahraing Khami (or Aphya Khami as they are generally known in the

Arakan Hill Tracts), (4) Chaungthas and (5) Daingnets. The first two races appear to be the

oldest tribes inhabiting this region but the Ahraing Khami, who are generally found in the

northern part, are the emigrants from the Arakan Hill Tracts. After the migration of the

Ahraing Khami, came that of the Chaungthas and Daingnets. The Awa Khami, Mro, and

Ahraing Khami form the bulk of the population of Saingdin, which has an approximate

area of about 230 square miles. The boundary may be described as follows :—

North.—The hilly region which forms the southern boundary of the Arakan Hill

Tracts.

South.—A straight line drawn from Buthidaung towards the east reaching to the

Tawphya Range of Ponnagyun Township and intercepting the Saingdin Range and Saingdin

Chaung near its waterfall.

East.—The Tawphya Range which forms part of the western boundary of Ponnagyun

Township.

West.—The Saingdin Range which lies a few miles west of the Kalapanzin river.

The Saingdin area contains 90 hamlets and each hamlet contains 2 to 20 bamboo houses.

Almost all the hamlets lie on the high levels along the banks of two. main streams and their

feeders. The chief occupation of the inhabitants is taungya cultivation. Generally the villagers

do not settle long in one place as the tribes have to move their hamlets in search of new hills

for taungya cultivation. The old taungyas are abandoned for a period of 5 to 10 years after

one year’s cultivation. For this reason it is not surprising for one to find a prospering hamlet

dwindled away in a few years’ time and a new one established elsewhere.

The two main streams watering this Chin Hill Area are the Re Chaung and the Sit

Chaung ; the former lying on the west and the latter on the east. Both the streams take their

sources from the northern hilly region which forms the boundary between Buthidaung Township

and the Arakan Hill Tracts and meander southwards for about 30 miles between the

cliffs and ranges before they finally meet near a village, called Tharungchaung. During the

rainy season, both the streams flood very considerably and, not infrequently, the water reaches

the tops of the trees growing on their banks, but after the rains, the water gradually subsides and

in summer only shallow pools of water are left behind in the stream beds, especially at their

sources. Besides, there are huge pieces of rock here and there in both the streams, making

commuhications rather difficult in some parts. Canoes and bamboo rafts are the only means of

conveyance for travel into the interior, either by paddling or dragging over the shallow water

and rocks. The conditions of the feeders of these streams are still worse. They generally

get dried up soon after the rains, leaving scanty pools, which supply water to the hamlets

situated upon them. To reach these hamlets lying in the interior, one has to follow the beds

of the streamlets generally and sometimes one has to wade through icy pools and frequently

Walk up hill and down dale until the barking of dogs and the crowing of cocks inform one

that a hamlet is close by before it actually comes in sight. The sloping banks of the two

streams and their main feeders are generally covered with kaing grasses ; and the primitive

tribes, especially the Ahraing Khami, the Mro and the Awa Khami, cultivate tobacco in the

alluvial deposit, after clearing the kaing grass. Below their confluence, near Tharaungchaung,

the main stream, under the name of Saingdin Chaung, flows southward between two hills for

about a mile when it flows over five rocky terraces and thus forms a picturesque waterfall,

which attracts a good number of visitors yearly for its delightful scenery. The last terrace

being precipitous, prevents the tide coming up from the stream helow. After leaving the

waterfall, the Saingdin Chaung flows in a south-easterly direction and falls into the Kalapanzin

river. Just near the waterfall a private bazaar is held on every Friday, when Indian Shopkeepers

and Chaungtha miscellaneous goods-sellers assemble for the sale of dried fish, ngapi,

salt, miscellaneous goods, etc., their customers being neighbouring villagers of the Saingdin

area ; but the majority of the tribes go over to Kundaing, Phaungdawbyin, Yinma, Kyaingdaung

and Panze bazaars, walking over the hills for their supplies of ngapi, salt, etc.; this usually

takes them four days. The exports, which chiefly consist of surplus paddy, tobacco, cotton,

canes, and bamboos, generally pass through the bazaar near the waterfall.

4. According to the legend of the tribes inhabiting the Saingdin area, this hilly region

was once reigned over by one Nga Maung Kadon, a giantlike man, and all streams and their

tributaries had high and low tides, being connected with the Kalapanzin river until Nga Maung

Kadon built up barricades of rocks and thus formed the present waterfall. It is said that Nga

Maung Kadon built up the barricades of rocks in order to prevent the escape of a crocodile

which had carried away his wife during his absence. No one could tell what had become of

Nga Maung Kadon afterwards.

Exogamous Clans and Classes, etc.—The primitive tribes of Saingdni can be:

classed as follows :—

(1) Awa Khamis.

(2) Mros. • .

(3) Ahraing Khamis.

The Awa Khami are divided into the following exogamous clans :—

(1) Khatak, (2) Tanhtin, (3) Khaline, (4) Htala, (5) Kha BoeSfiai, (6) Wadinak,

(7) Khattu, (8) Bawshin, (9) Lakhana, (10) Wakun, (11) Ladinak, (12) Shainak, (13) Khrainak,

(14) Rashunak, (15) Khatu, (16) Salawnun, (17) Kawkyaing, (18) Ahsun, (19) Lun, (20) Pachanak,

(21) Khwepi, (22) Ashaina, (23) Sakhin Tatin, (24) Salwenak, (25) Aungla, (26) Lahtaw,

(27) Sakhitun, (28) Milona, (29) Mina, (30) Lupuna, (31) Laisurana, (32) Htaloenaw, (33) Sakkhi

Khettu, (34) Htala Tvvi Ah, (35) Wakun Tribisalru, (36) Minaye. .

Mro.—There is no exogamous clan among them though they are divided into four classes,

viz., (1) Thwapetha, (2) Mwayzintha, (3) Tincheintha, (4) Kraitha.

Ahraing Khami are divided into live exogamous clans, viz., (1) Lettantha, (2) Kraitha,

(3) Ahbaungtha, (4) Saingmalwaytha, (-5) Linkhuktha.

Awa Khatnis have related tribes in the hilly regions along the Kalapanzin river (Buthidaung

Township), the Lemro Chaung (Myohaung Township), the Tawphya Chaung

and the Yo Chaung (Ponnagyun Township), the Myothit Chaung (Maungdaw Township),

the Mi Chaung (Kyauktaw Township), the Ragri Chaung and the Marit

Chaung (Chittagong District) and Seindetmaw (Pauktaw Township), Akyab District.

Mros have related tribes in the hilly regions along the Ragri Chaung and the .Marit

Chaung (Chittagong District), the Kalapanzin Chaung (Buthidaung Township), the

Myothit Chaung (Maungdaw Township), the Lemro Chaung (Myohaung Township),

and the Tawphya Chaung fPonnagyun Township), Akyab District,

Ahraing Khamis have related tribes in the hilly regions along the Ragri Chaung and the

Marit Chaung (Chittagong District), the Pi Chaung, the Kaladan and the Mi Chaungs

(Arakan Hill Tracts), the Yo Chaung and the Tawphya Chaung (Ponnagyun Township)

of Akyab District.

There is no definite order of social precedence among the different clans and individuals

of the Awa Khami, Mro and Ahraing Khami tribes in a strict sense ; a man generally becomes a

leader because of his wealth and of his constant contact with Government officials and civilized

people.

Existence of Traditions Of Origin.—Very few could tell theTraditious of origin

of these tribes, but according to one or two of the oldest clans found here, it appears that the

Awa Khami and Mro were the inhabitants of the hilly regions at the sources of the Kaladan,

the Pi Chaung and the Mi Chaung streams in the Arakan Hill Tracts, while the Ahraing Kbami

were living further north at Saphodaung. which, it is said, forms the boundary between the

Arakan Hill Tracts and the Shandu country. About 50 or 60 years before the conquest of

Arakan by the British, the Ahraing Khami, owing to frequent invasions by the Shandu people,

migrated to a hilly region, Pinmudaung, supposed to lie between the Michaung and the

Kaladan rivers, and later about 30 years after the conquest of Arakan by the British,

.the security prevailing under the British administration having impressed itself on them,

the Ahraing Khami again migrated to the sources of the Pi Chaung, the Mi Chaung and

the Kaladan river, which were then inhabited by the Awa Khami and Mro. The. majority of

the two latter tribes, in fear of the Ahraing Khami, in turn left their habitat to settle down in

other hilly regions of the Akyab and Chittagong Districts fhilly regions of the Kalapanzin and

Saingdin Chaungs in Buthidaung Township ; hilly regions of the Lemro Chaung in Myohaung

Township ; hilly regions ot Tawphpya stream and Yo Chaung in Ponnagyun Township ; hilly

regions of Myothit Chaung in Maungdaw Township ; hilly regions of Ragri Chaung and

Marit Chaung in Chittagong District).

Existence of Terraced Cultivation.—There is no terraced cultivation in Saingdin.

Existence of Megalithic Monuments.—After leaving the waterfall and about

100 yards away from the confluence of the Re Chaung and the Sit Chaung streams, there is on

the Re Chaung stream a megalithic stone, in the shape of a person in a recumbent posture,

attached to a huge flat rock. It is said to have been erected by Nga Maung Kadon in memory

erf his wife who was traced there after being killed by a crocodile. In the Re Chaung and at

a distance of about 24 miles from the waterfall, there are two pieces of rock in the shape of

boxes resting on a huge mass of rock. This place is known as Natseik, and the people passing

through, especially strangers to Saingdin, are in the habit of paying their respects by placing

presents on these boxes, which lie close to each other. All the above three stones are single

upright stones.

Use of Stone for Seats.—There are no stones used for seats.

Use of Materials in Building,—There are 737 houses in Saingdin, but none of

them has any wall or roof of stone or wood. Almost all the houses are chiefly built- of bamboos

as these are easily available and less expensive. Very few houses have even got wooden posts.

The hill tribes never think of having houses built of durable materials because they do not

settle in any place permanently, as I have explained before. Moreover, in order to build a

wooden house, it is customary among the Awa Khami and Ahraing Khami to hold propitiatory

ceremonies of cattle-sacrifice fcr the evil spirits that are supposed to reside in wooden houses,

and the people do not care to-incur the ceremonial and building expenses,. the latter-being

high. The social position of individuals is not indicated by the shape or material of their

houses or by the pattern and colours of the clothes they wear. The majority of the men have

partly adopted the costume of the Arakanese men.

Ideas as to the Sun, Moon, Stars and Comets, etc.—The Mro regard the

sun as female and the moon as male. The Ahraing Khami and Awa Khami have no different

32

250 APPENDIX D.

genders for them. All three tribes have very little or no knowledge of the different constellations,

except Orion’s Belt and the Great Bear and the star Sirius.

Orion's Belt.—The Awa Khami call this constellation, Kalapapo, because it resembles a man

carrying two baskets on his shoulder. The Mro call it Uraitikedawyaung (3 steps of a stair).

It is so named because it resembles 3 steps of a stair. The Ahraing Khami call it Ayeyolokinyauk

(2 men carrying a hog). It is so named because it resembles 2 men carrying a hog.

Great Bear.—Jfhe Mro call this constellation, Tabrikhare (tiger), because it resembles a

tiger, 4 stars forming the 4 legs and 3 other stars forming a tail. The Ahraing Khami call it

Kachidaung. It means a square formed by 4 stars with a tail of 3 stars. The Awa Khami call

it a Naga because it turns its head according to the seasons.

Sirius.—The Awa Khami call this star Achimanye (burning charcoal). It is so named

because it resembles a burning charcoal. The Mro have no name for it. The Ahraing Khami

call it Kachitakike (tiger’s eyes). It is so named because it sparkles like the eyes of the tiger.

! Markings on the face of the Moon.—The Awa Khami regard these markings as shadows cast

by a banyan tree, which is supposed to grow around the me on. According to the Mro find

the Ahraing Khami, the moon was brighter than the sun before, and the moon by its scorching

heat had once killed a man, whose son in revenge defeated her (moon) in a duel and then

besmeared her with the juice of the banyan tree. Thus the moon lost her power and heat.

They regard markings on the face of the moon as juices of the banyan tree.

Earthquake.—According to the Mro, the earth is carried on the shoulders of a Naga

residing underneath this earth and a beetle* reports to the Naga that the human beings are

no longer in existence and the Naga, in order to verify the report of the beetle, shakes the

earth, thus causing an earthquake. Awa Khamis and some Ahraing Khamis stated that the

earth is shouldered by 2 or 4 giants and that when they feel tired, they change shoulders and

thus cause the earthquake. Some Ahraing Khamis said that there exists another world under

the present world and that a post resting upon the nether world supports this upper world.

The people living in the lower world, in order to find out if the people living in the upper

world are living or dead, shake the post and cause the earthquake. It is customary among

the three tribes to respond to an earthquake by saying “ We are alive.”

Eclipses.—According to the Awa Khami, the sun and moon had once borrowed rice from a

“ nat ” called Sa Aung and they could not repay the rice ; for this debt Sa Aung, when

he finds an opportunity, seizes the sun and moon and swallows them. This causes an eclipse.

During an eclipse, the Awa Khami beat gongs and scatter rice on the ground by way of helping

the sun and moon to repay their debt and they also do not pound rice or do any other work,

save household affairs, for a couple of days. A story given by some Mro and Ahraing Khami

is that the sun and moon could not pay their taxes to the king of “ nats," who arrests, and

keeps them in a dungeon for some time and thus causes an eclipse.

Rainbow.—The Awa Khami explain that once upon a time a boy, who was ill-treated by his

grandmother, left her house for heaven and when he reached his destination, he spread out

his loin cloth just to show his power to the old lady. The Awa Khami regard the rainbow as

the loin cloth of the grandson in the heavens. The Mro regard the rainbow as a bridge, by

which the “ nats ” from the heavens descend to the earth. The Ahraing Khami explain that

the rainbow is a fairy who had a lover on earth before she became a fairy and that she

appears in the sky as a rainbow to show herself to her lover.

Thunder.—It is explained by the Awa Khami that thunder is the beating of the drums of

heaven. The Mro explain that it is the roaring of a cannon on the mountain in a competition

between earthly and heavenly “ nats.” But some Ahraing Khami stated that it is the roaring

of a heavenly gun by which the wicked on the earth are shot.

Sheet Lightning.—All three tribes explain that lightning is caused by the flashing of the

dahs of the “ nats ” in the heavens during the course of dances.

Method of Disposal Of Dead.—Among the three tribes, the dead are disposed

of either by burning or by burial. All persons who die of contagious or infectious diseases,

particularly small-pox and cholera, are buried immediately and no form of shelter is erected

over the grave. There is no practice among any of the tribes of erecting a stone cairn

over the grave of the dead, and no custom prevails among them of disposing of the dead

in trees, cliffs or machans. No tribe separates the head from the body. All three tribes

cremate the corpses of those who have died of ordinary diseases and, after the burning

ceremony, they collect the bones and ashes and store them up in a small hut built over the

burning place, but certain clans of the Mro build the small hut, not over the burning place, but

at the village landing-stage and store the bones and ashes for about 2 or 3 months. After this

period, the bones and ashes are carried back to the original burning place where a fresh hut is

erected for keeping the bones, etc. It is also customary among the Ahraing Khami to give a

feast in honour of the dead at the grave after the harvest of taungya crops.

Form, of Coffin.—All the tribes make the coffin with split coloured bamboos. It is

rectangular in shape with a separate lid of the same materials but the Mro and certain

Awa Khami, instead of a bamboo lid, use cotton rugs or blankets.

Beliefs as to the ultimate Abode of the Dead.—There is no belief among

the Awa Khami regarding transmigration, the soul disappearing after death, but the Ahraing

Khami and certain clans of the Mro believe in the transmigration of the souls of the dead into

living beings, but certain Mros believe that there is no transmigration and that the souls of the

dead disappear after death. There is no belief among any tribe here as to the transmigration

of the dead into butterflies or other insects.

’ Appearance.—Generally the Awa Khami and Mro are of brown complexion, while the

Ahrfiing-Khami have a sallow appearance. All three tribes have straight hair. The Awa Khami

generally crop their hair and few have got hair knots among the males.- The females

have Itheir hair parted in the middle of the head, like the Hindu women, and they knot

* According to Captain I. H. Green a similar belief exists among the Nungs of the Myitkyina District,

[Census Superintendent,]

APPfeNDlX b. 251

their hair at the back of the head. Males of the Mro and Ahraing Khami generally have their

hair knot over the middle of the head, while the females tie up their knots at the back of

the head.

Eyes, Nose, Head and Physique in general.—The eyes of the Awa Khami, Mro, and Ahraing

Khami are generally straight and are black. The Awa Khami generally have flattened noses.

The noses of the Mro and Ahraing Khami are chiefly straight. The heads of all the tribes,

except the Awa Khami, are generally round with protruding foreheads. The heads of the

Awa Khami are slightly oblong in shape with flat (receding) foreheads. Both sexes of all

the three tribes are physically strong in general.

Method of Sowing Seed.—As stated above, the occupation of the hill tribes is

taungya cultivation. They cultivate the hillsides by clearing the jungle, which takes them

about a month. This is usually done in the month of January or February. About the month

of March they generally burn the jungle they have felled on the hillsides and about the end of

April they start sowing, placing the seeds separately in pits dug by spades which they usually

make with a long handle from an old unserviceable taungya-cxxttmg dah. The pits are then

filled in with earth. About the months of June and July, the hill tribes, by means of adzes,

have to weed grasses that grow near or around the paddy plants on 2 or 3 occasions in order

to help the growth of the plants. The paddy generally ripens about the month of September,

and the reaping’ is done by means of a small hand-sickle. The taungya-cutting dah has a

cutting edge only on one side.

Dancing.—Both the sexes of the three tribes are accustomed to drinking khaung before

or during their dances* which are performed to music. The chief musical instruments are the

gong, cymbal, drum, brass plate, nhyin and haw. The musicians are all males, but in the

dance both the sexes may join.

The Mro dancers, hand in hand, form a circle around the musicians and, to the ‘strains of

the music, they all dance round and round till they are tired. The movements of their dance

are as follows :—

(1) Feet kept together while in a standing position.

(2) Half a step backward with the right foot, the left foot follows the right foot and

thus both are together again as in (1).

(3) Half a step forward with the left foot, forming an angle of about 70 degrees with

the right foot.

(4) Right foot moved to join the left foot and, when they are together, both the knees

are half bent.

Again (2), (3)-and (4) are followed.

Dancers and musicians of the Awa Khami and Ahraing Khami generally form a circle

during the course of their dances, and to the sound of the music they dance round hand in

hand. The movements of their dances are generally as follows :—

(1) Feet together while in a standing position.

(2) Right or left foot moves one step sideways and the other foot moves towards the

first and when they are together the knees are half bent.

Again (2) is followed. ,

Musical Instruments.—The following is a list of musical instruments used by the

three primitive tribes living here :— ,

1. Drums (big and small). These are just like Burmese drums.

2. Gongs.

3. Cymbals (big and small).

4. Brass plate.

5. Nhyin.—This is made of a dried gourd with one to seven bamboo pipes attached and

it resembles the mouth-organ. The Nhyin is sub-divided into four kinds, namely :—

(1) Nhyingri with 2 bamboo pipes.

(2) Nhyinlat with 4 bamboo pipes.

(3) Nhyinnge with 7 bamboo pipes.

(4) Nhyinto with a single bamboo pipe.

The last is only used at funerals.

Baw.—This is like a nhyin, with one or two long bamboo pipes.

Almost all the above instruments, except the nhyinto, are used on the following

occasions:—

1. Marriage ceremony.

2. Ear-boring ceremony.

3. Taungya-pwe.

'Weapons.—The only weapons used at present are dahs and spears. The tribes seldom

use bows ; no custom exists at present of taking the heads of enemies as trophies.

Dress.—The original dress of the male Awa Khami, Mro and Ahraing Khami consists of

a loin cloth, a white turban and a white shirt with short sleeves. Awa Khamis wear black loin

cloths while Mros and Ahraing Khamis have white loin cloths.

The females of these races wear knee-length skirts or “ longyis ” and the majority of them,

that I have seen, wore jackets while others did not ; Awa Khami women wear a scarf instead

over their breasts like a Salwe (scarf).

The men of these tribes have practically adopted the male dress of the Arakanese though

there are a few still attiring themselves in the costume of their forefathers. .

„ Tattooing.—No tattooing custom prevails among any of the tribes but persons of both

sexes, who have the fancy, tattoo the arms and backs of the hands with one or two tattoo

marks.

APPENDIX ft.

Religion, Religious Rites and Sacrifices.—All the three tribes are animfefs

and they hold “ nat-pwes ” in honour of their “ nats ” at various times of the year. The chief

occasions on which the “ nat-pwes ” are held by each tribe are described below :—

AWA KHAMIS.

■Before cutting new Taungyas.—All the residents of a hamlet collectively buy a

goat before any one commences taungya-cutimg which is once a year ; they also collect a

fowl or two from each household. The fowls and the goat are gathered together in a house,

the owner of which is called an Indin, and all the villagers, old and young, assemble in the

house of the Indin and pray before the goat and the fowls for an abundance of crops and the

good health of the community during the coming season. When this is over, the goat

and the fowls are taken to a small hut (sS) built specially for the occasion on the bank of

the stream. On the hut a bamboo tray with baked rice (eolcSeolcS) and flowers is placed,

and around the hut are put up numerous bamboos. The fowls are cut over the hut allowing

the blood to fall on the contents of the tray. The head of the goat is cut off and placed in the

tray in honour of the “nats.” The goat and the fowls are then cocked near the hut and an

offering made to the “ nats ” with the head of the fowl, some goat flesh, and a plate of rice,

by placing them inside the hut. The remaining meat and fowls are carried back to the house

Of the Indin, where all the villagers assemble again to enjoy the feast with khaung (liquor).

After this ceremony the village is closed for 3 days, i.e., no villager is allowed to go out of the

village and no outsider is permitted to enter it, and on the paths entering the village lengths of

bamboo are stuck into the ground at both ends, forming arches. This is to remind outsiders

that they are prohibited from coming into the village. If any one violates the custom by

entering or leaving the village within these 3 days, he has to make good the expenses incurred

for the “ Nat-pwe.” During this period of 3 days, the villagers should not do any but necessary

household work. Three days after the feast, each household can start clearing a new taungya.

Before sowing seeds.—When the taungya burning is over, each household collects the

different kinds of seed and grain to be sown in the new taungya. These are generally

collected in a basket and a fowl killed over it, allowing the blood to fall on the contents. The

Kver of the fowl, after being cooked, is taken to the taungya with this basket. On arrival at

the taungya, a big pit, surrounded by many smaller ones, is dug and the seed and grain are

put into the pits, Then khaung and pieces of the cooked liver are spat out from the mouth

over the seeds, etc., by saying Phyo, and all the members of the house make a prayer to the

“ nats ” for a good harvest. The pits are then filled in with earth. After this ceremony, all

the members of the house are seen busily sowing seeds and grain in various parts of the

taungya. (A post, called Ahbaungma, is erected over the big pit—see following paragraph).

Before plucking vegetables.—Before any fruit or vegetable is gathered from the new taungya,

each household has to slaughter either a fowl or a pig or a goat, according to their means, in

the house and after cooking the same, the liver, a bottle or a gourd of khaung and a plate of

rice are taken over to the taungya where all the members of the house pour khaung and pieces

of liver from their mouths over the Ahbaungma post which is erected over the big'pit at the

time Of seed-sowing.

A prayer is then made to the “ nats ” for a good paddy crop. A small hut is at the same

time erected near the Ahbaungma post and an offering of rice, khaung and meat is made in the

hut in honour of the “ nats-.” After this offering, all the members of the house start gathering

vegetables from the taungya, spitting out khaung and pieces of liver over the vegetables and

fruits as they are plucked. They then return home with their baskets of vegetables and

fruits, but, before entering the house, they have to bathe in the stream and on getting home

they dress in their best clothes and cook the vegetables, etc. An offering is then made to the

“ nats ” in the house. No one can eat any produce from his taungya before the performance

of the above ceremony. Generally all the households in a village arrange to collect crops

and vegetables from the taungya on the same day, and they are to be seen drinking khaung and

feasting from house to house during this occasion. From this day, the owner can eat and sell

his taungya produce. . ‘

Reaping of Taungya Paddy.—Before the reaping of taungya paddy is commenced, each

household has to slaughter a fowl or a pig, according to their means, in the taungya hut and

the chief member of the house sprinkles the blood of the animal killed over the paddy plants

in honour of the “ nats ’’ and at the same time prays to thenvfor a good yield of paddy from

the taungya and for the good health of the members of the house. After this ceremony, the

reaping of taungya paddy is started.

Eating of new Taungya Paddy.—Before the new taungya paddy is eaten, each household

slaughters a fowl or a pig or a goat and a pot of rice is also cooked, the new paddy from the

taungya being used. With the rice and the cooked meat, an -offering is first made to the

various “ nats ” in the taungya hut and a prayer, as before, is then made.

■ Ya Pyapwe or abandoning the Taungya.—When the reaping of the paddy crop has been

completed, the paddy is stored up in the hut and from taungya rice khaung is brewed. Each

household has to slaughter at least a fowl and a pig or more, if possible, and the blood is

collected in different cops. Then all the members of the house join in pouring over the

granary a mouthful of khaung, mixed up with pieces of the livers of the animals killed. They

also sprinkle the bins and various baskets with the blood in honour of the “ nats ” and the

usual prayer follows. This ceremony is done at the time of abandoning the taungya. (The

granary remains in the disused taungya, until exhausted.)

MROS.

After Birth.—Soon after the birth of a child, four short bamboos, each measuring about a

cubit, are fixed up on the bank of the stream, and a chicken is killed in honour of the “ nats ”

and, the blood poured over the bamboos which are set close together. A prayer is then made

for the welfare of the child. The chicken is then thrown away.

AtlPENblX b.

New Taungya Cutting.—Before the cutting of a iaungya is undertaken, all the residents of

a hamlet collectively buy two goats in addition to two fowls gathered from each household.

The villagers then build two small huts, one on the bank of the stream and the other inland

One goat is tied up near the hut on the bank of the stream and the other near the second hut.

The fowls are kept in line between the two huts. All the villagers then pray to the “ nats ” to

keep them in sound health and to give an abundance cf crops during the coming taungya

season. After this prayer, the goats and fowls are slaughtered one after another, starting from

the bank of the stream. Their blood is sprinkled over the small huts and the water of the stream.

The village is then closed fc r three days by fixing up bamboo arches over the village paths ;

the Mros, like the Awa Khami do not allow any one to enter or leave the village for a period of

three days. If any one violates the rule, he has to pay compensation for all the expenses

incurred. The goat meat is jointly cooked in the village, while the fowls are taken away by

their respective owners. With the meat and khaung, they make an offering to the “ nats ” in

the village before they commence feasting. This ceremony is done once in the year. After

the performance of this annual ceremony, a household can start taungya cutting.

Beginning of eating Taungya Vegetables.—When the taungya vegetables and fruits have

ripened, members of each hcusehcld go over to their taungya and collect the different vegetables

and fruits together with a few plants of paddy. On their return home, the paddy is put

into the khaung pot while the vegetables and fruits are kept in a big basket. A fowl is then

slaughtered and its blood sprinkled over the khaung pot and the vegetable basket. The fowl

is then cocked with rice flour mixed with some salt and ginger. This rice is then mixed up

with the khaung and, with this rice and fowl, an offering is made to the various “ nats”

supposed to reside at the staircase of the house and in the various baskets. When the offering

to the “ nats ” is over, all the members put on their best clothes and empty the khaung pot

and enjoy the rest of the meat and the fowl together with their neighbours. This “natpwe”

is held on the same day by the different households in the village. A taungya hut is then

erected in the taungya. After this ceremony, the villagers are free to gather the produce.

Ya Pyapwe or leaving the Taungya.—After the taungya crop has been reaped, members of

each household kill a pig or more in the house and cook some pieces of pork in a bamboo tube

which is taken over to the taungya together with some rice and khaung. On arrival at the

taungya, all are then mixed up and offerings are made to various “ nats ” supposed to exist in

the streams near the taungya, and at the same time members of the house pray to the “nats”

for good health. On their return home, a feast is held with the remaining pork and khaung.

Generally most of the residents of the village hold this “ pwe ” on the same day.

AHRAING KHAMIS.

Beginning of Taungya Cutting.—The Ahraing Khami, once in three years, buy a goat and

a fowl with a subscription raised among the villagers and build a small hut near the river bank.

An elder, chosen from among the villagers, prays to the “ nats ” for the good health of the

community. The goat and the fowl are then slaughtered near the hut. A few pieces of

mutton and fowl, after being cooked, are placed in the hut with a plate of rice in honour of

the “ nats ” and the usual prayer for abundance and health follows. The village is closed for

a day by placing bamboos arched across the paths leading to the village, and, like the

Awa Khami and Mro, no villager may leave the village or no outsider may come into it on that

day. If any one violates the rule, he has to compensate the village for all the expenses

incurred.

Beginning of eating Taungya Vegetables.—Before any vegetable is plucked from a taungya,

the members of each household should go over to their taungya and make a sacrifice of either

a fowl, a goat or a pig in honour of the'“ nats ” ; the blood is sprinkled over the paddy plants

and vegetables in the taungya. They then pluck the vegetables, pouring, at the same time,

pieces of ginger and khaung from their mouths. The vegetables collected are brought home.

This is done on the same day by all the households in a village. On their arrival at home they

further sprinkle the vegetables with khaung and on the following day the village is closed for

two days and no villager or outsider is allowed to leave the village or enter it during that period,

as before. During the period of two days, the chief member of the house generally abstains

from ngapi (dried fish) and fish. After this ceremony, people may make use of the vegetable

from their taungyas.

At the time taungya plants blossom.—Generally ficb Ahraing Khamis celebrate a feast in

honour of the “ nats ” when the taungya plants blossom ; numerous fowls, goats and pigs are

slaughtered in the house, and, after being cooked, a few pieces of meat from each-kind are taken

to the taungya with a plate of rice and an offering to the ‘‘ nats ” is made accompanied by the

usual prayer. They also perform a dance in the taungya and on return to-the village they all

gather around the Khonedaing, a post where cattle are tied up for sacrifice. A man, generally

selected from among the relations of the taungya owner, spears the animals as the villagers

dance under the influence of khaung around the Khonedaing. The relation, who spears the

cattle, usually gets rewards of a gong, silk turbans and “ loongyis ” from the taungya owner.

A good number of people and relations are invited from different villages to enjoy the feast

and drink khau

A WA KHAMIS, MROS AND AHRAING KHAMIS.

They make sacrifices of fowls, pigs, goats, and cattle during the sickness of any member

of the house. It is customary among the Awa Khami and Mro to consult a Wephalisaya or, m

other words, a Natsaya (witch doctor) when any member of the house falls sick or gets hurt;

Wephali is a piece of bamboo tied at both ends with a piece of string. When the WephaUsaya

is consulted he puts up the Wephali on his fingers several times and finally declares that the

sacrifice of a fowl, pig, goat or a cow, as the case may be, is required to propitiate the evil

m APPENDIX b.

spirit, which, it is said, has afflicted the sick person. People, according to their means, make

sacrifices of the animals declared by the Wefhalisaya. For the sacrifice, the Awa Khamis build

a small hut near the bank of the stream and slaughter the animal or animals, and the blood is

sprinkled over the baked paddy (eolcSsolcS) and other food prepared for the occasion and

placed on the hut. The blood is also then put into the stream. The liver and the intestines

of the animal killed are cOoked in a bamboo tube and an offering to the “ nat ” is made with

a plate of rice in the hut, accompanied by a prayer for the speedy recovery of the sick. Mros

usually make a sacrifice of the animals either at the bank of the stream or near the hill as

advocated by the Wephalisaya. They do not build a small hut when the sacrifice is to be made

with fowls and pigs, but they do build the hut when the sacrifice is made with goats or cattle

or with both. These people do not make any further offerings to the “ nats ” with the cooked

meat but the blood is sprinkled over the hut or at the bank of the stream, a prayer being said

for early recovery. In the case of the Ahraing Khami, there is a similar belief in consulting

a Wephalisaya for sickness. When any member of an household gets sick, an egg is broken at

the staircase of the house to propitiate the evil spirit supposed to have caused the sickness and,

if this does not give any relief, a small hut is generally built on the bank of the stream, and

either a fowl, pig or a goat, according to the means of the family, is slaughtered and the blood,

after being collected, is sprinkled over the rice brought for the purpose and this is kept in the

house in honour of the “ nats.” After this ceremony, a dance is held in the verandah of the

house of the sick, and an offering of cooked meat, together with rice, is made to the “ nats ”

in the house, accompanied by a prayer for the immediate recovery of the patient. When this

sacrifice does not give a satisfactory result, the slaughtering of cattle and other animals follows ;

the cattle are generally tied to a post in the village, called khonedaing, and speared to the

accompaniment of hilarity and dancing. All three tribes take to medical treatment as a last

resort when thdy do not obtain a cure by means of their various customary sacrifices.

Ear-boring Ceremony.—No custom prevails among the Ahraing Khami to hold an ear-boring

ceremony for their children, as the ear-boring of the children is done soon after birth, but the

Mro and the Awa Khamis perform an ear-boring ceremony for their children by slaughtering

cattle in honour of the “ nats.” The cattle intended for slaughter are tied up to a post in front

of the house of the parent, who, carrying the child in one hand, spears the animal with the

other hand and many villagers, who are present on the spot for this occasion, put the animal

to death by cutting its head with axes. Mros dance around the carcass on the ground after

drinking khaung but Awa Khamis carry the carcass up to the verandah of the house and perform

their dances around it. It is customary among both races to sprinkle the walls of the house

with a yellowish substance found in the intestine and to make an offering to the “ nats ” with

the meat, liver, lungs, and intestines, cooked separately. The ear-boring ceremony is done

soon after the dances. The children of the poor people in the village are allowed to do the

ear-boring ceremony when a rich man celebrates the ear-boring ceremony for his children.

Generally all the friends and relations are invited to enjoy the feast.

Almost all the “ natpwes ” of these three races are accompanied by dances in which both

sexes, particularly bachelors and spinsters of the villages, join. Their amusements and social

functions may be said to consist entirely of the “ natpwes ” described above. Marriage Law.—It is the custom for the spinsters of a village to collect together in a

house to sleep and the lads to come at night to make love and win their hands. Most of the

marriages are arranged by the young couples themselves, and the parents or relations of the

girl are kept in the dark. The girls generally follow their lovers at night and the parents

seldom interfere, though a girl’s parents may later make a demand for the dowry from the

father or relations of the bridegroom. All the races, except the Ahraing Khami, are monogamous.

Very few, ever, of the Ahraing Khami keep two wives. They may marry a second

wife during the lifetime of the first wife, when the latter gives her consent. Apart from this,

the husband has to pay a penalty to the father or brother of the first wife on his second

marriage.

It is only when a girl refuses to follow her lover, that the parents of the girl are approached

for the marriage. Among the Awa Khami, the man informs his prospective father-in-law,

either personally or through a go-between, about marriage with the daughter and fixes a date

for betrothal. The father of the girl may then consult his daughter and get her consent.

If she raises no objection, the khaung pot and pigs are kept ready in the girl’s house for the

occasion. On the .appointed day, the bridegroom’s party, which generally consists of the

bridegroom) his father, and a village elder, approaches the bride’s father with a dah, 3 gourds

of khaung and 3 fowls, one of which should be a crowing cock. On reaching the house of the

bride, the crowing cock is set free to be kept as a pet in the house and, with the remaining 2

fowls and the khaung, a feast offering is given to the relations of the bride. The dah is

handed over to the father of the bride. The bride’s party then in turn offer pork and khaung

to the bridegroom’s party. The fowl should not be eaten by 'the bridegroom’s party, and the

bride’s party should refrain from eating pork. . If the bride’s or bridegroom’s party, through

mistake, partake of the pork or the fowl, respectively, they are liable to pay a penalty of from

Rs. 5 to Rs. 10. During the feast, the marriage dowry, which at a minimum consists of Rs. 30,

IS dahs, an axe and a spear, is asked for by the girl’s father and the bridegroom’s father has no

option to bargain but to accept the dowry asked for. The bridegroom’s party should stay for

3 days in the house of the bride and fix a date for the marriage, and on the day appointed,

the bridegroom’s party, with 30 fowls, 20 gourds of khaung, and the dowry, should visit the

house of the bride. The fowls and the khaung are intended for a feast for the bride’s party.

The bride’s party should slaughter a pig to feed the opposite party, and neither should eat

what has been offered to the opposite party. The dowry, dahs, the axe and the spear,

together with at least Rs. 10 in cash, should be brought and handed over to the bride’s father.

The payment of the balance of the money may be promised later. The bridegroom's party

should stay for 3 days drinking khaung and feasting. On the fourth day, the bride is brought

to the house of the bridegroom together with 2 pigs, given by the father-in-law to the bridegroom

as a present. The new couple should stay for 3 days in the house of the bridegroom

appendix d. 255

and on the following day they go to the house of the bride’s father, where they stay for a day

and then return to the house of the bridegroom.

In the case of the Mro, the bridegroom generally informs his father about the intended

marriage, and the father, in company with his son and a few villagers, visits the house of the

prospective bride with 3 fowls, a spear, and a dah. On their arrival, the spear and the dah

are handed over to the bride’s parents as presents and the fowls are given as food to the

family of the bride. The bride’s parents, in return, slaughter a pig and give a feast to the

bridegroom’s party. The pork should not be eaten by the bride’s party and the fowls should

not be eaten by the bridegroom’s party. The father consults his daughter and gets her consent

to the proposed marriage. After obtaining the girl’s consent, the father demands a dowry.

This consists of, at least, Rs. 100, a dah, and a spear. The two latter are payable on the spot

but the money can be promised later if it cannot be paid immediately. The bridegroom’s

father may not bargain over the dowry asked for. After the settlement of the dowry terms,

the bridegroom’s party should stay for 3 days in the house of the bride, drinking khaung and

enjoying the feast, and, on the 4th day, the bridegroom’s party, together with the bride, leave

for the bridegroom’s house.

Among the Ahraing Khami, the boy informs his father about his marriage with the girl

he has selected and his f ither, accompanied by two village elders, should approach the girl

and get her consent first. The father of the girl is then consulted about the proposed match

and he generally does not interfere, if the girl consents. He then demands a dowry, which

at least consists of Rs. 100, 30 spears, 15 fowls, and 6 bottles of country spirit, and the opposite

patty, without bargaining, must promise to pay the dowry asked for. Both the parties in

consultation fix a date for the marriage. On the day fixed, the bridegroom, together with his

parents and some villagers, go to the house of the bride, taking at least 15 spears, 15 fowls;

and 6 bottles of spirit. The remaining dowry can be promised to be paid later if the bridegroom

is unable to afford to pay immediately. On their arrival at the house of the bridej a

pig is slaughtered by the bride’s party to give them a feast and the fowls brought by them are

also killed to furnish a banquet for the bride’s family and'relations. Like the other two races

the Ahraing Khami are also prohibited from eating what has been offered to the other party.

The bridegroom’s party stays for two days drinking khaung and feasting, and, [on the third

day, the bride is taken away to the house of the bridegroom.

The dowry, demanded by the father on the occasion of his daughter’s marriage, is solely

enjoyed by the girl’s parents or her relations. On full payment of the dowry, the bridegroom

gets presents of spears, gongs, silk turbans, and “ loongyis, ” in proportion to the dowry paid,

from the father-in-law. Generally it takes years for the bridegroom to pay back the balance

of the marriage dowry, and in this case the bride’s parents and relations have to wait until

the others are in a position to pay. The liability for payment of the dowry to the girl’s

parents or relations descends from father to son, according to the custom of these tribes.

Right and claim as to the property and children of a married couple on their separation, either

by death or by mutual consent,—On separation, either by death or mutual consent, the women of

these tribes, according to their customs, cannot make claims on the estate or the children

born of a marriage. All the property and the children, except the suckling baby, have to be

left behind with the husband or the husband’s close relations. The suckling baby is generally

taken away by the woman at the time of her departure from her husband’s house, but, as soon

as the baby attains the age of about 3 or 4 years, it has to be returned to the father or his

relations on payment of feeding expenses. The Awa Khami and Mro generally pay Rs. 10 for

this, but in the case of the Aharing Khami, the amount varies from Rs. 60 to Rs. 70. Ori

separation by mutual consent or otherwise, it is customary for the married couple of the

Awa Khami and Mro to exchange small branches of trees as tokens of their separation, but no

such practice exists among the Ahraing Khami. They divorce each other in the presence of

village elders. After the separation the married couple may re-marry if they like.

Separation of husband and wife due to the fault of the wife before full settlement of the dowry.

—It is customary among the Ahraing Khami to forfeit the dowry promised to the father of the

girl, but she will be entitled to Rs. 50 from the husband for the children, if any, left with the

husband. If it is only, one child, she is entitled to Rs. 30 or Rs. 35. In the case of the Mro

and the Awa Khami, the women are not entitled to any money for the children left with the

husband, but on the contrary, they have to pay a compensation of Rs. 30 to the husband. If

the separation is due to the fault of the husband, the Ahraing Khami women get a compensation

of Rs. 15, and they are also entitled to Rs. 100 if they leave behind, with the

husband, 2 or more children. If they leave behind only one child, they are entitled to Rs. 60

to Rs. 70. The Awa Khami and Mro women are not fortunate enough to enjoy the same

privileges as the Ahraing Khami women. They are only entitled to a compensation of Rs. 30

even if half a dozen children are left behind with the husband.

Separation of husband and wife after part or full payment of the dowry.— If the separation

is caused by the fault of the woman, she, or her relations, have to return the dowry paid in

the case of the Ahraing Khami. But, according to the customs of the Mro and the Awa

Khami, the women have to pay a penalty of Rs. 60 and Rs. 30, respectively, apart from

repayment of the dowry paid. If the separation is due to the fault of the man, the dowry

paid is forfeited by the Ahraing Khami, but the Mro and Awa Khami, in addition to the forfeiture

of the dowry, have to pay a penalty of Rs. 30 to the woman.

Separation on the death of one of the married couple before full settlement of the dowry.—On

the death of the woman, before full settlement of her dowry, the man has to pay the unpaid

dowry to the parents or relations of the woman. This custom prevails among the three tribes.

If the man dies before the settlement of the dowry, the woman’s parents do not get the unpaid

balance of the dowry as it is considered that a fresh dowry can be demanded for their

daughter on her next marriage. On the death of the father, the children remain with the

relations of the father, but, in the case of the Ahraing Khami, the woman gets money from

the relations of her deceased husband if any children are left behind with them. 1

m APPENDIX d,

# Enquiry on the Effect on Primitive Tribes of Contact with

Civilization.—The only primitive tribes here, as stated before, are the Awa Khami, the

Ahraing Khami and the Mro. They have come into contact with the civilization of the

Arakanese, both Buddhist and Mohamedan. But this contact does not appear to be as frequent

as may be expected, because of the lack of good communications. To reach their villages, one

has to engage a sampan or the like kind of conveyance specially for the purpose, and proceed

by water part of the way, and then either walk across country or travel in canoes or rafts which

have to be dragged through shallow water and rocky stretches is many places. During this

irksome journeyv which generally lasts for days, one is often liable to be infected by malaria

unless one takes precautions particularly with regard to drinking water.

Disease and crime, which are common among the Arakanese, are at present alien to

them. But it is sad to note that many of the men of these tribes have become victims of the

opium habit. It is, I think, due to frequent visits paid by the Arakanese traders, who bring in

opium just for the sake of alluring these tribes to- work for them. Consequently, these people

are prone to be lethargic and their natural incentive for work has deadened. Most of them

are no longer possessed of ambition. They usually grow paddy, tobacco, and cotton. The

paddy they grow is just enough for their own consumption. They do export tobacco and

cotton but they are hampered by debt. Most of them have become indebted to the Arakanese

people of Ponnyoleik, Pyare, and Lemro villages. When they grow their tobacco, cotton,

and paddy, their creditors usually come and take away almost all their produce in settlement

of debts and they are left with no option in the matter of disposing of their produce for a

better price. They are a happy- go-lucky people. If they are in need, they approach their

neighbours, the Arakanese people, and raise loans or Dadaung as they generally call them.

They pay back to the Arakanese in kind with exorbitant interest. They do not care to come

to the law courts to have the Usurious Loans Act applied to their cases. Probably they have

the no idea of the existence of this Act.

These tribes do not leave their .houses for the purpose of working as labourers and have

to eke out a living in some way or another. Very few of them care to leave their hill tracts

unless compelled by necessity. I have come across immense forests and land fit for cultivation

which have practically remained untouched. Occasionally, these people cut bamboos and

canes from the forests to meet contracts placed with them by the Arakanese people. Very

few of them have cattle. I have seen 2 or 3 families using cattle for ploughing. Up to date,

there is no indication of any minerals and no outsiders have applied for licenses for prospecting

for minerals. I understand that an English firm has the intention of starting a mill for

manufacture of pulp from bamboo which abounds in the area.

Each tribe speaks its own dialect. Most of them, I mean among the men, are acquainted

with Arakanese, which is used for inter-tribal conversation. I have also noticed that some of

them speak Chittagonian. Almost all are illiterate. Their region is conspicious by the'

absence of schools for imparting any sort of education among-them. It appears that no

civilised people have attempted to introduce education among these, tribes, but some of the

Awa Khami and Mro show an inclination to acquire a knowledge of the Burmese language.

Signs are not wanting to show that they soon will have a vernacular school of their own.

Most of the males of these tribes have given up the loin cioth of their ancestors and have

practically, adopted the dress of mate Arakanese Buddhists. This is due to their contact with

the male Arakanese Buddhists. The females have less opportunity of meeting the female

population of Arakanese Buddhists, and hence they have net adopted the full dress of the

Arakanese women but the majority of them have started imitating the Arakanese female in

wearing a jacket over their bodies. Their Thameins (skirts) which are of knee length, still

remain unchanged. This imitation of dress, I think, will be rather detrimental to their health

as most of them are not in the habit of washing their clothes. If the washing habit is not

acquired, I am afraid that the dirt will accumulate in their clothes and will cause ill-health.

In the days gone by, the people had no rooms and compartments in their houses and all

the inmates ate, lived, and slept in one big room, which formed the house. At present, the

majority of them have changed their ideas due to their contact with the Arakanese people.

They have seen the Arakanese people with compartments in their houses and they have copied

these. This is evident from the good number of new pattern houses in existence at present.

The majority of people, who have constant contact with the Arakanese, have different rooms

In their houses, which are generally small in size. These small and often congested rooms

are destitute of ventilation generally, as the primitive tribes have no idea of sanitation and

ventilation.

All of these tribes are Animists and, as such, they have celebrations on many occasions.in

honour of various “ nats ” which they believe to exist. They are still imbued with the idea

that the incidents and events, whether good or bad, of their lives are willed by the “ nats.”

They regard “nats” as omnipotent. In cases of illness, they take to medical treatment as a

last resource. Their social functions and amusements are mainly connected with “ nat-pwes.”

No missionaries or civilised people have settled in this region and so their beliefs and practices

have riot as yet undergone any drastic change. No doubt, some of them have notions of

Buddhism and it is likely that they will be converted to Buddhism gradually in the near future.

1 have actually met some of them styling themselves Buddhists. .

In former days, they followed the principle of “ Might is Right ” and “ Tit for Tat ” and

■ they had no security- and protection. . Since the introduction of Penal Law by the British

Government, they have gradually abandoned their old ideas. It is gratifying to note that they

express a feeling of satisfaction with the advantages of protection and security afforded by tbe

British Government, and that they are glad that their ancient customs.have dwindled. ,

Qa the "whole, the people do not seem to be discontented with the life-tfaey lead. They

all appear to be optimistic. They are keen on having large families as they look towards their

issue for support:in their old age.

264 APPENDIX D.

List of Awa Khami, Mro, Ayaing-Khami Languages compared, with the English Language.

English.         Awa*Khami. Mro.          Ayaing-Khami.

Father . .. Pa-e Ah-pa-oh Nga-an

Mother .. .. Ne         Ah-oh • Ne

Elder brother . .. Ya-ah Ah-taik         Yaik

Younger brother . .. Napi Nauk-ma Ah-ke

Grandfather . .. Pi-ee Ah-poo         Na-si

Grandmother . .. Pi-e Ah-pi Na-si

Great-uncle . .. Pat-pri         Ta-ran Apoo

Uncle . .,        Pat-kho        Ta-ran Nay-to

Great-aunt . .. Na-i         Na-ko Nain-hmoon

Aunt . ..         Na-i Na-ko Nain-hmoon

Brother-in-law . .. Nat-kaung Naik Nai-sa

Sister-in-law . .. Kama         Yawla Amauk

Cooked rice … Bu          Haum         Bok

Rice ...         Sarni Me         Sonai

Cold water ...     Twi-dein          Twi-rwa         Twi-swe

Hot water … Twi-kabi Twi-dayin Twi-bi

Water ...         Twi: Twi         Twi

Fire ... Man Man          Man

Curry …          An         Kan An

Fowl curry … Ah-na Wanga         Ah-ngan

Pork curry ... Awna Panga         Ayo-nga

Fish ...         Mwe Dam Ngo

Fish curry … Mwe-an-htaing-de Dam-kan          Ngo-an-htauk

One ...         Ha         La         Nga-hat

Two … Ni         Prai          Nho-rai

Three ...        Hton         Som Hton-marai

Four .. . Bali Tali          Palo

Five ...         Ba-ngat         Tanga Pau-rai

Six ... Taro Taro Taro

Seven …          Shi-ri Ah-ni Sharu

Eight Tayat Yat         Tayat

Nine …          Akaw Taku Takaw

Ten … Hashaw          Ha         Horai.

    

REFERENCES -CENSUS OF INDIA, 1 9 3 1

VOLUME XI

BURMA

Part I.—REPORT

BY

J. J. BENNISON, I.C.S.

RINTENDENT OF CENSUS OPERATIONS, BURMA

COLLECTIONS  BY ELISHA MRO.