Living on the margin: the positioning of the ‘Khumi’ within thesociopolitical and ethnic history of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.

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Living on the margin: the positioning of the ‘Khumi’ within the

sociopolitical and ethnic history of the Chittagong Hill Tracts

Nasir Uddin*

Kyoto University Japan & University of Chittagong, Bangladesh

The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) of Bangladesh has long been represented as a region

of multi-ethnic setting, ethnic conflict and ethnic movement in South Asia. However,

inter-ethnic relationship through the practice of unequal power and positions among the

‘Pahari’ (hill-people), the inhabitants of the CHT, has largely been ignored in the deeper

understanding of the CHT. In addition, available CHT literature talks mostly about

numerically dominant ethnic groups, whereas less attention is paid to the marginalized

‘Pahari’ ethnic groups. This paper examines the positioning of the ‘Khumi’, one of

marginalized Pahari ethnic groups, within the larger canvas of CHT vs state across

times and regimes. In an attempt to identify the position of the Khumi within the

sociopolitical and ethnic history of the CHT, it seeks answers to three central questions:

(a) How did the Khumi appear in the demographic configuration of the CHT? (b) How

had they, along with the CHT and its other inhabitants, been dealt with during the

colonial and postcolonial regimes? (c) How do they position themselves in the recurrent

sociopolitical dynamics of CHT vs state relationship? The paper is based on critical

consideration of secondary sources on the region in collaboration with relevant

comprehensive data collected through ethnographic fieldwork undertaken from

November 2005 to April 2007 in the CHT of Bangladesh.

Keywords: colonial policy; marginality; post-colonial state; ethnic history; Pahari

Introduction

This paper deals with the positioning of a particular group of people known as Khumi,

within the political, social-economic and ethnic history of the Chittagong Hill Tracts

(CHT) in Bangladesh. Three central concerns motivated the author to write this paper:

first, to investigate how and when the Khumi appeared in the demographic configuration

of the CHT; second, to examine the colonial policy adopted to regulate CHT affairs and

how postcolonial states—first Pakistan and then Bangladesh—dealt with the CHT issue

within the politico-economic and regional context of South Asia; and third, to look at the

place of the Khumi in the contemporary circumstance of CHT vs state relationship in

Bangladesh.

The paper is based mostly on secondary sources and relevant comprehensive

ethnographic data. Accessible literature—travel notes of an early traveler (Buchanan

1798 [Schendel ed. 1992b]), writings by colonial administrators (Lewin 2004 [1870];

Hutchinson 1909, 1906) and writings by western ethnographers (Levi-Strauss 1951, 1952;

*Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies, Kyoto University, 46, Shimoadachi-Ku,

Kyoto 606-8501, Japan. Email: nasir.anthro@yahoo.com

Asian Ethnicity

Vol. 9, No. 1, February 2008, 33–53

ISSN 1463-1369 print/ISSN 1469-2953 online

Ó2008 Taylor & Francis

DOI: 10.1080/14631360701803211

http://www.informaworld.com

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Bessaignet 1958; Bernot 1964; Brauns and Loffler 1990) have been reviewed and critically

examined to illustrate an early history of the people—now collectively known as Pahari

1

(hill-people) including Khumi—living in the CHT. In addition, critical consideration of

some legends, popular myths, hearsay and collective memory of aged people documented

through ethnographic fieldwork in the CHT have also been contextualized in mapping out

how the early history of, people’s migration to and human settlement in the CHT have

been conceptualized by the people themselves. Discussing, examining and analyzing all

these, the author intends to identify the position of the Khumi within the sociopolitical

and ethnic history of the CHT. Previous studies and available literature on the CHT deal

mostly with the numerically dominant Pahari ethnic groups—the Chakma, the Marma,

the Tripura, etc.—whereas mention of minority Pahari groups, such as the Khumi, has

been absent. This paper aims to fill this vacuum in wider understanding of the CHT. In

addition, there has not been a single study conducted particularly on the Khumi to address

their position within the sociopolitical and ethnic history of the CHT. This paper attempts

to identify the position of the Khumi within the larger picture of CHT vs state, which will

be a substantial contribution to the critical understanding of the CHT from the perspective

of a group which is marginalized within the Pahari.

Following a brief introduction, the paper is organized into six sections. The first section

investigates the ‘emergence’ of the Khumi based mostly on ethnographic data concerning

how the Khumi themselves view their ‘emergence’ in the world. The second section deals

with the early history of, and people’s migration to, the CHT. It examines the historical

material regarding people’s migration and introduces Khumi narratives about their

appearance as inhabitants in the demographic composition of the CHT. The third section

analyses the colonial policy adopted to regulate the CHT and its people, including the

Khumi. The fourth section examines the sociocultural, economic and political reality of

dealing with the CHT during the postcolonial state of Pakistan. The fifth section addresses

the condition of the CHT and Pahari people in the process of nation-building and state-

formation of the newly independent Bangladesh. The sixth section focuses on identifying

the position of the Khumi within the current sociopolitical dynamics of the CHT vs state.

Throughout all these discussions, the paper centrally argues how the evolving history of

the CHT within the colonial policy and postcolonial geopolitical consequences of the

South Asian sub-continent created a marginalized position for the Khumi in both the

CHT and the state of Bangladesh.

Third creation of God: who are Khumi and how?

There is no written record and no authentic reference to know ‘who the Khumi are’. The

author observed that the Khumi themselves do not talk about their ‘origin’ and emergence.

This observation is made from visiting different Khumi inhabited areas of Rowanchari,

Ruma and Thanchi of Bandarban districts and undertaking ethnographic fieldwork among

the Khumi between November 2005 and April 2007 in the CHT. Despite there being no early

history written on the Khumi, Lewin (2004 [1870]), the first British colonial administrator of

1

The people, except Bengali, living in the CHT are generally addressed with various terminologies,

such as ‘Pahari’ (hill people), ‘Adivasi’ (aboriginals or early people of the region), ‘Tribal People’,

‘Ethnic People’ and ‘Indigenous people’, etc. There have been considerable debates concerning these

terminologies. To avoid these debates, this paper initially uses Pahari, because they tend to be

addressed by the terms Pahari as their collective identity. In addition, ‘CHT people’ and ‘its people’

are used together.

34 N. Uddin

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the CHT and reportedly first ethnographer of CHT people, tried to trace out the ‘origin’ of

the Khumi, looking at their dress and making meaning out of their naming ‘Khumi’. He

pronounced the Khumi as the people of the ‘dog race’. Here, in fact, the British colonial view

of sketching the image of colonized people as ‘exotic’ was strongly reflected. He wrote:

‘Kwey’ or ‘Khweee’ in Arakanese language means ‘a dog’ and ‘mee’ is an affix conveying the

idea of man; ‘Khwey mee’ therefore means ‘dog man’. [To support his argument, Lewin

explains] Now a ‘Kumi’ wear a very scanty breech cloth, which is so adjusted, that a long end

hangs down behind him in a manner of a tail; add to this that the dog is a favourite article of

food among them, and derivation of name seems pretty clear. (p. 220)

This dog thesis may come across as rather trivial to us today, yet strikingly, a few

ethnographic accounts by St. John (1873), Hutchinson (1909), Grierson (1927) and Bernot

(1964) also in some way supported that the orthography of ‘Khumi’ is somehow connected

with the dog or dog’s tail. Colonial administrators and western ethnographers completely

failed to understand the Khumi and Khumi language.

A century later, a few Bangladeshi writers rejected this notion and explanation of the

colonial and British view of Khumi ‘origin’ by giving birth to an alternative narrative.

Sattar (1983, p. 336, 2000, p. 206), Barua (2001, p. 56) and Mohsin (2002, p. 17) argued

that the Khumi believe they are the best human ‘race’ in the world. They tried to find out

the rationale behind this credence, explaining that, in Khumi language, ‘Kha’ means ‘man’

and ‘mi’ means ‘best race’. They are therefore Khami, i.e. the best human ‘race’.

Bangladeshi writers, in fact, neither had any direct contact with the Khumi who have been

living, according to Bengali narratives, in the remote and inaccessible areas of the CHT for

decades, nor have they any idea about the Khumi language. Despite the lack of substantial

contribution to any knowledge on the Khumi, they followed the legacy of Lewin trying to

trace out the ‘origin’, based on the etymology of the naming of a particular group of

people, which is unknowable. The author’s experience of fieldwork reveals that the Khumi

are not aware of this discourse, but some of them have heard that Bengali people

sometimes indicate them as the people of ‘dog-race’. Indeed, the Khumi are not concerned

about whether they are the ‘best race’ or the ‘dog race’.

In Khumi language, ‘khumi’ means ‘human’,

2

male is ‘nemchu’, female is ‘nempu’, and a

child is ‘khumi-chu’. The Khumi have a very popular, and widely narrated, myth about

their ‘origin’, in which their view of their ‘emergence’ in the world is reflected. This myth is

widely known and frequently cited among the Khumi. According to the myth, the Khumi

are the third creation of Thuram (God in Khumi language).

Thuram created the world, the trees and reptiles first, then the dog, and finally the

Khumi. After creating the world, trees and reptiles, Thuram, in fact, tried to create the

human body with clay, but could not complete it in a day. When Thuram went to sleep at

night, a big snake came and devoured the half-finished model of the human body. It

happened twice, thrice, and it was continuing the following day. Then Thuram decided to

create a dog to guard the model of the human during the night. Thuram created a dog and

put life into it. In addition, Thuram made half a human body for the day. When Thuram

went to sleep, the snake came but could not commit any harm. When the watchful dog

barked, the snake was frightened and ran away. On the following day, Thuram completed

2

St. John also wrote in 1873 that Khumi means ‘man’. Perhaps St. John wanted to indicate ‘human’

by coining ‘man’. For details see St. John (1873).

Asian Ethnicity 35

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the half-finished human body in full shape and put life into it. This is the creation of

Khumi, ‘the Human’, and they appeared in the world. There is, according to the Khumi

belief, an invisible relationship between dog and human. The Khumi believe that the dog

therefore howls when a human dies. According to the Khumi oral tradition, human beings

owe their creation to a dog. Because the dog had saved humans from total annihilation,

they accordingly pay homage to it.

As the dog is ritually very significant, as is the cow among the Hindu, the Khumi,

according to them, never eat dogs, contrary to what Lewin mentioned in support of his

argument.

There are some colonial records (Phayre 1841; Hughes 1881; Lewin 2004 [1870];

Hutchinson 1909) in which the early settlement of the Khumi is clearly narrated. An Asian

Development Board (ADB) report published recently said that the Khumi originally

inhabited the Arakan State of Myanmar, and 90 per cent of Khumi are still living there

(ADB, 2001). Historical records (Phayre 1841; Hughes 1881; Hutchinson 1909) also

showed that the Khumi had been, and are still, living in the Arakan. Hughes stated that

the Khumi lived in the Arakan hills as early as the mid-nineteenth century (1881, p. 11).

Phayre specifically stated that the original home of the Khumi was on the Koladyne River

of Arakan (1841, p. 679). Hutchinson stated, ‘the great majority [of the Khumi], however,

are settled on the Kaladan [Koladybe] River of Arakan’ (1909, p. 88). However, exactly

when the Khumi migrated to the CHT region has not been recorded in any accessible

literature.

From the above discussion, it is clear that the Khumi were never inclined to trace out

their emergence in the world, but the existing debates of their ‘race of origin’ is an outcome

of the intellectual practice of colonial administrators and Bengali scholars. However, it is

evident that the Khumi had been living on the bank of Koledyne River of Arakan even

before they migrated to the CHT region.

Crossing the border: the Khumi among early settlement of Pahari in the CHT

There has hardly been any reliable reference on early settlement and migration of Pahari,

3

including the Khumi to the CHT, before Francis Buchanan’s

4

travel note on South

Eastern Bengal (1798). Nevertheless, the history of the CHT is discussed with the adjacent

history of Bengal and Arakan.

5

The early history of, and people’s migration to, the CHT

can be traced out based on two sources: (1) the linguistic and ethnic origin of the Pahari

people, and (2) the political history of neighboring states.

3

The CHT people, indeed, became Pahari during the British period when the British administration

started calling them ‘hill people’. Since then, Bengalis called them Pahari as the Bengali meaning of

hill people is Pahari. Before the British, they were called ‘Joomea’ by the Bengalis (see Buchanan

1789).

4

Francis Buchanan traveled through Southeastern Bengal in the late eighteenth century in search of

a suitable place for spice cultivation by the order of the ‘Board of Trade of British’. He wrote on his

traveling experience ‘Account of Chittagong and Triperah’ in 1798 (see Schendel 1992b). Buchanan

came in contact with many Pahari groups during his visit to the CHT, and he wrote details in his

travel notes. Therefore, he is often cited as the earliest and authentic source of information in most of

the literature written on the CHT.

5

There are some referable research works done on Ancient Bengal and the Arakan State where the

history of the CHT has been discussed as adjacent history. See, for details, Berbe (1845), Phayre

(1884), Qanungo (1988) and Serajuddin (1971).

36 N. Uddin

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There have been some studies (Campbell 1874; Grierson 1927; Levi-Strauss 1952; Shafer

1955; Bernot 1964; Islam 1984; Moniruzzman and Uddin 2004) on the linguistic situation of

the CHT and Pahari people. These researches suggest that the Pahari people are linguistically

associated with the Sino-Tibetan (the Chakma, the Marma, the Tripura and the

Tanchangyas) and a sub-group of Tibeto-Burman, Kuki-Chin (the Lushai, the Pankhuas,

the Bawm, the Mru, the Kheyang and the Khumi) language groups. The people of these

language groups inhabit the neighboring regions of Arakan and the Chin Hills of Myanmar

as well as Tripura in India. Therefore, it can be postulated that the people of the CHT might

have migrated from the Chin Hills and Arakan in Myanmar and Tripura in India. Bessaignet,

one of earlier ethnographers of the CHT people, asserted the migration and settlement of the

Pahari referring to the ethnic background and ethnographic features of the people. He argued:

The Hill Tracts Tribesmen are ethnically different from other settled populace in East-

Pakistan. They have closer links with the hilly peoples of the vast region that extends from

Tibet the tribes are very similar to the people of Indo-chin and Tibet to Indo-China. They are

short in stature, have black hair, prominent cheek-bones and narrow eyes—features that

remind one of the ‘Mongoloid type. (1958, p. 5)

Mey (1978, p. 203) stated:

They [the Pahari] have mostly migrated into this area during the past several hundred years.

Their social and political organisation, way of life, economy and cultures are most closely

linked to those of the hill people of Assam and Upper Myanmar.

Hutchinson (1909) stated: ‘The Tribal themselves believe that they had left their ancestral

homeland and settled down in CHT’.

The political history of neighboring states—India and Myanmar, about which a

number of researches have been conducted based on colonial records—are used as another

source to portray the early history of, and people’s migration to the CHT. Goswami

(1979), a noted historian on India, stated:

Most of the Paharis moved into the region between 15th and 19th century. Around 1780,

internal migration, consolidation of power by segmented group, formation of alliances, and

empowerment of some ethnic groups in Tripura and Mizoram of India made the provinces

politically unstable. Consequently, some or a part of the groups living in these provinces of

India were forced to move out and settled in the northern part of CHT. (Quoted in Rafi and

Chowdhuri 2001, p. 21)

However, there has been a different history of the Khumi migration to the CHT. Lewin

(2004 [1870], p. 221), Chakma (2000, p. 72) and Rafi (2001, p. 23) uniformly mentioned

that the Mru and the Khumi were involved in bloody warfare and, finally, the Mru were

defeated in battle by the Khumi and fled away to the CHT. Later, the Khumi were

defeated by the Bawm in another battle, pushed out of the Arakan, and migrated to the

CHT region. These statements cannot be authenticated because they have mentioned no

reliable reference in support of this version of history.

In ethnographic fieldwork, the author found that the Khumi migrated to the CHT

seven generations ago. He visited different Khumi villages and tried to trace out the

common ancestor, first and earliest, of the Khumi in Bangladesh. In six villages, he found

that Lingkling Khumi was the common ancestor of present Khumi who migrated seven

generations ago to Rowangchari and Ruma, now sub-districts of Bandarban District.

Asian Ethnicity 37

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The author tried to verify it in other villages, but most of the villagers cannot remember

the name of their ancestors even four generations back. Nevertheless, there has been an

oral history widely cited among the Khumi regarding how and why they migrated to the

CHT, leaving their ancestral homeland in Arakan.

Once the Khumi used to rule the greater part of Arakan and Sindhu estate but they

were in regular warfare with both the Sendhu and the Arakanese. In one stage of warfare,

they were defeated by the Sindhu empire and were brought under Sendhu control. Life

under Sendhu control was difficult for the Khumi, as they were dealt with inhumanly.

They several times tried to flee from Sindhu estate, but they could not. Whenever they

attempted to flee, the Sindhu soldiers arrested and brought them back. One of the

ministers of Sindhu emperors sympathized with the Khumi and advised them to perform

two important ‘clever-jobs’. One was to plant pumpkin trees in the premises two weeks

prior to their departure. Second was to ‘do toilet’ into the mud-made oven of their house

and put Saros

6

of bamboo on it just prior to their departure. The Khumi did accordingly

and left the Sindhu one very early morning. When the Sindhu emperor, upon knowing

their unchecked departure, gave orders to follow the Khumi to arrest them, the

sympathetic minister gave the argument that ‘The Khumi fled at least two weeks ago. The

height of pumpkin tree and the dried stool manifested my statement. Therefore, it would

be meaningless to follow the Khumi two weeks after their departure.’ The Sindhu emperor

was convinced by the logic of the minister and withdrew his order to follow them. In this

way, the Khumi under the leadership of Lingkling Khumi could flee from Sindhu.

Walking six days, they finally arrived in the neighboring region of CHT. Since then, they

have been living in Bandarban of the CHT.

The present generation of Khumi provide logical support for this legend, that the Khumi

can only be found in Bandarban out of three districts in the CHT and only in Ruma,

Thanchi and Rwangchari out of seven sub-districts of Bandarban, because Sindhu, now

Arakan according to their opinion, is very near these regions. They believe that their relatives

still live in different parts of Arakan hill areas. Once or twice a year, one or two Khumi from

Myanmar still visit Bandarban Khumi villages. A few years ago, three of the villagers, where

the author undertook his fieldwork, also visited a Khumi village of Myanmar.

A few aged Khumi, around 85 years old, in different villages explained to me on

different occasions when I was trying to enquire about their past and ancestral history.

According to their narratives, after settling down in the CHT along with other groups, the

Khumi started their life independently with their customary social system. Regarding

livelihood, they started cultivating jhum chash (swidden cultivation) in the hills, as they

were previously accustomed to do. They were regulating their lives following their

distinctive social customs and cultural practices. Every village became an independent

social, economic and administrative unit. Accessible early literature (e.g. Buchanan 1798

[Schendel ed. 1992b]) and referable historical studies (e.g. Serajuddin 1971) also manifests

that, before the influence of Mughal from the plain-land of Bengal, the entire CHT was

independent, inhabited exclusively by the Pahari people and administrated by their

customary adjudication system. Based on the travel notes and colonial records such as

Buchanan, Lewin, Hutchinson etc., Anu Mohammad wrote:

Until the mid-18th century, the Rajas [traditional king] of the hill tracts, were independent and

had full control over their region. Jhum cultivation, common property, and self-reliance

6

Saros is a kind of sticky water, which comes out of the root of green bamboo, which makes fresh

faeces look old and dried.

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characterised their economy. During the 18th century, Chakma – Bengali conflicts occurred

very often over border trade. Finally, the Chakma king entered into a pact with Mughal

governor of Chittagong. After 1857, when the East India Company came to power, a series of

attacks were made in this region. Later, the Chakma King, Gyan Bikash Khan, surrendered

himself to Fort William. (1997, p. 4)

However, in 1724, Jalal Khan refused to pay the tribute and, in consequence, Mughal

Dewan Kishan Chand attacked and defeated him. During the battle, Jalal Khan fled to

Arakan and died there afterwards. By 1737, ‘Tribal’ Chief Shermust Khan, the successor

of Jalal Khan yielded to the Mughal authority. The Khumi did not have any engagement

in the warfare between the Mughal and the Chakma Raja. The Mughal designated a new

administrative post ‘Dewan’ in the Chakma customary administration. The Chakma chief

continued to pay tribute in Karpas (cotton). The Khumi were beyond any sort of

formations of ‘tribal’ administration. Their inclusion or exclusion in administrative reform

was, indeed, not so meaningful during that time because the Khumi were still territorially

included within the existing customary administrative system under Bomang Raja

(Traditional Marma king) of this region, at present called Bandarban. Until the British

colonial occupation, the entire CHT was literally ruled by the numerically dominant

groups the Chakma and the Marma. These groups held authority over the CHT, enjoyed

social status and gradually became economically developed. However, the Khumi

gradually became a marginalized minority within the political, economical and

geographical composition of the CHT.

This section clearly reveals that the Khumi migrated to the CHT seven generations ago

and settled down there. Since then, they have remained preoccupied with their

conventional livelihood strategies by cultivating jhum chash. They had hardly been

engaged in the confrontation between customary CHT administration and the Mughal

Sultanate. They were, indeed, leading their lives with their customary social systems and

cultural practice.

Beyond the state: the Khumi during the British Colonial CHT

In the battlefield of Palashi in 1757, the British East India Company defeated the last

emperor of Mughal Empire Nowab Sirajudulla and occupied the Indian sub-continent,

later known as British India, to establish the British colony. In 1760, the British East India

Company annexed neighboring Bengal and then turned its attention towards the Hill

Tracts (HT) as it was rich in natural resources (for example cotton, trees, spices, food

grains, animals, etc.). The (C)HT was first colonized by British imperialists, as was the

common trend in the history of the region of sub-Himalayan Mountain Areas. Roy wrote:

Like many other sub-Himalayan mountains areas on the tri-borders of India, Burma

(Myanmar) and Bangladesh, the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) was first colonized, not by a

kingdom or empire from the neighboring plains, but by the British imperialists. In case of the

CHT, the British were motivated both by strategic and economic interests, and they achieved

their aims through military deployment and diplomatic subterfuge, leading ultimately to an

exploitative trade treaty, and ultimately, direct colonization. (2003, p. 4)

They began a military campaign in the HT in 1776 and encountered strong resistance from

Sher Daulat Khan, the then Chakma Raja. The fighting continued for a decade, and the

British imposed an economic embargo cutting off essential supplies (e.g. Levene 1999;

Serajuddin 1984). Finally, in 1787, Raja Jan Bakhsh Khan, was forced to reach a bilateral

agreement with the governor-general Lord Cornwallis, agreeing to pay 2.5 tons of cotton

Asian Ethnicity 39

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(Mohsin 2002, p. 79) to the British for the right to trade, and putting an end to the conflict.

This cotton tribute was also soonextended to the Marma areas. The HT was partitioned

from Chittagong declaring it as a separate district as ‘Chittagong Hill Tracts’ in 1860.

Finally, the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Regulation Act was passed in 1900.

According to the Act, the CHT was declared an Excluded Area in order to protect

economic exploitation by non-Pahari people. The law was adopted to preserve the

traditional sociocultural and political institutions of the Pahari based on customary laws,

community ownership of land, etc. By this Act, on the one hand, the general

administrative set-up was made in three layers as District, Sub-division, and Thana

(CHT Regulation Act 1900, Article 7 of Chapter III and Article 38.A of Chapter IV). On

the other hand, the customary administrative system of Pahari was constructed in three

layers: circles (under three circle chiefs

7

such as the Chakma, the Mong and the Bomang),

mouza (under Headman) and Village (under Karbari). Since the Khumi were living in the

territory of Bomang Raja, they were automatically included within the Bomang circle. The

Deputy Commissioner was empowered as the administrative head of the CHT district and

revenue collector as well as magistrate of the CHT. On the other hand, the Circle Chiefs

and Headmen (mouza chief) were made responsible for the collection of revenue and

exercising other powers, including litigation and enforcement of customary laws and social

justice, etc. In the Pahari conceptualization, the CHT Regulation Act 1900 for more than a

century operated as bulwark against the encroachment of outsiders to the CHT. In the

minds of the Pahari even today, the Act still functions as a safeguard for the Pahari

people, and it outlaws land ownership and migrations of non-Pahari people to the CHT.

The British remained happy with the tribute paid by the Raja (chiefs of circle) of the

Pahari ethnic groups despite having their own (British) policies and political strategies.

Mohsin wrote:

The British policy of CHT was guided by the two main objectives: (a) protection of the

political, economical, and military interest of the British, and (b) keeping the Hill people

segregated from the Bengalis. This policy indeed protected the Hill people from the economic

exploitation of Bengalis. At the same time, it served British political interest, for the region,

remained calm, distanced from the turbulence of the Indian nationalist movement that had

engulfed Bengal as well as the rest of India. More importantly, and favorably for the British,

due to this policy of segregation the Hill people, more particularly their chiefs, came to regard

the British as their protectors. (2002, p. 26)

This is, in brief, the political history of this region during British colonial period. In fact,

the colonial policy aimed, on the one hand, to keep the Pahari people away from the

movement against the British colony. On the other hand, it kept the Pahari from engaging

with the outside world, which might have encouraged them to improve their living

conditions earlier. They did not think that, by adopting the CHT Regulation Act 1900,

they would be confined within the hill region for decades. Karim explained, ‘The 1900

Regulation effectively cut off people living in this area from access to education and power’

(1998).

7

The three chiefs are Chakma chief for Chakma Circle (Currently Rangamati), Mong Chief for

Mong circle (currently Khagrachari) and Boman Chief for Bomang circle (currently Bandarban). The

Chakma circle was 1658 square miles, excluding government reserve forest (GRF) of 763 square

miles, the Mong circle was 653 square miles, and the Bomang circle was 1444 square miles, excluding

GRF of 620 square miles. (Source: the CHT Regulation Manual Act, 1900.)

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During this entire political process of handing over the region from Pahari to

Mughal and then Mughal to British, the Khumi did not have any active engagement,

though they were included within the Bomang circle merely by the fact that they were

living in the territory of the Bomang circle. In addition, the British did not mention the

name of the Khumi in particular in the CHT Regulation Act 1900 as being included in

the Bomang circle. The Khumi lived in the remote areas of Bandarban of the CHT—the

borderland between Bangladesh and Myanmar—leading a struggling life engaging in a

subsistence economy of jhum chash. However, according to the CHT Regulation Act

1900, unknowingly the Khumi officially and administratively went under the Bomang

circle owing to their location and, therefore, they paid revenue to the Bomang Raja.In

practice, they used to pay their tribute or taxes to the Headman of their respective

mouza who was customarily connected with the Bomang Raja accordingly, even before

adopting the CHT Regulation Act 1900. Therefore, colonial occupation of the region

and adoption of the Regulation Act 1900 hardly brought any substantial difference to

the lives of the Khumi. Some aged Khumi, who have the experience of living under

Britain, Pakistan and Bangladesh, explained to me that, at local level village structure,

the Khumi did not in general even know whether they were under the Mughal or the

British; rather they paid their homage to Bomang Raja regularly through respective

karbari. It is mentioned here that karbari is always selected from the particular group

who inhabit the village. Therefore, the karbari of a Khumi village is obviously from the

Khumi. The karbari, who was customarily entitled to collect taxes and settle disputes at

the local level, had communication with the Headman, and he

8

had the chance every

year to see the Bomang Raja in Rajpuinna

9

. During Rajpuinna, the karbari of every

village had to present themselves under the leadership of their respective headman

assigned for a particular mouza. Though the British occupation of the CHT and enacting

the Regulation Act 1900 was an important event and turning point in the history of this

region, the Khumi remained beyond such political involvement. The Khumi were

actually connected by the karbari, who was linked with the customary ‘tribal’

administration system at a local level. This is because, karbari collected revenues from

the villagers, and handed them over to the Headman. It is worth mentioning here that

there was no Headman from the Khumi in customary administration systems of the

CHT

10

during the British period. Therefore, karbari had to maintain the relationship

with the ‘customary tribal administration’ through occasional contact with the Headman

only.

This section merely asserts that, during the British period, the Khumi were brought

under formal administrative reform by their inclusion in the Bomang circle. Though the

karbari had occasional connection with the ‘tribal administration’, the Khumi in general

were still revolving within the para (village) and jhum engaging in earning their livelihood.

Therefore, the Khumi in general were beyond the deals between customary CHT

8

‘He’ is used deliberately, because no female has held the position of karbari in the history since the

Khumi migrated to the CHT region.

9

Rajpuinna is an annual ceremony which used to be held in the Palace of Bomang Raja (and also

Chakma Raja and Mong Raja) to collect the revenue from every mouza. The headman collects the

revenue from every village through karbari and pays it to the Raja annually in a luxurious festival

like Rajpuinna.

10

Now, there is a Khumi headman in Thanchai named Prepai Khumi. He was nominated by the

Bomang Raja in 1972. The reason for shifting this Headmanship was the absence of a suitable

successor of a Mru Headman who was serving the mouza prior to his passing away.

Asian Ethnicity 41

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administrations and British colonial rulers, and even any administrative reform during the

entire British period.

Living at the edge: the Khumi in the Pakistan period

After the withdrawal of the British colony from the South Asian sub-continent, the CHT

was included in Pakistan, specifically East Pakistan, in 1947, according to the

recommendation of the boundary commission headed by Cyril Radcliffe. During the

Pakistan period, the political, economic and ecological situation of the CHT started

deteriorating in all respects in terms of sovereignty, political rights and preservation of

cultural entity and cultural heritage of the Pahari people. From the very outset, the

Pakistani Government looked upon the Pahari people with mistrust and suspicion for

being anti-Pakistani during the partition (Shelley 1992; Ali 1993; Uddin 2005). The Pahari

in general were discriminated in jobs, business, education and many other sectors of

government and semi-government organizations. In this connection, it is to be noted that,

after the partition, an Indian national flag was hoisted in a few areas of Rangamati and the

Burmese (now Myanmar) national flag in Bandarban even after two and three days of

separation, respectively, of the historical partition

11

in 1947 (e.g. Ahmed 1993; Barua

2001). The Pakistan Government treated it as anti-Pakistani activity and a sign of

disloyalty to the state. In 1947, the historic separation demarcated two states based on

religious identity; ‘the Hindu would be in Hindustan (India) and the Muslims would be in

Pakistan’ was the basic principle. Nevertheless, the CHT was declared to be included in

Pakistan, despite the Pahari people being largely non-Muslims. Owing to the non-Muslim

demographic composition, the Chakma elites and other sophisticated Pahari leaders

wanted the CHT to be included in India. Shelley stated:

Therefore in 1946, the tribal chiefs formed ‘The Hill men Association’ and proposed a princely

state status for CHT as per with neighboring Tripura, Koochbihar and Khasia; and with

which they also proposed a confederation to be under the administrative control of central

government of India. But this move failed and by 16 August, CHT became the part of

Pakistan . . . Sneha Kumar Chakma

12

. . . had hoisted the Indian flag at Rangamati on August

14. At the same time, the Marma, who claimed descent from the same stock of people as those

inhabiting Burma (Mayanmar), had hoisted the Burmese Flag at Bandarban. (1992, p. 29)

Hoisting the Indian flag manifest their intention to be included in India owing to their

non-Muslim demographic configuration, on the one hand. On the other hand, hoisting the

Burmese flag revealed their inclination to be incorporated in neither Pakistan nor India. In

fact, hoisting the Indian or Burmese flag was limited to a few Pahari people who were

11

Partition of British India between Indian and Pakistan took place based on ‘Two-nation Theory’.

‘Two-nation Theory’ reveals a regional theory, set out by Mohammad Ali Jinnah. According to the

‘Two Nation Theory’, British India was divided into two separate reported nation-states—India and

Pakistan—on the principle of religious identity. On principle, India would be the State of Hindu

religious people and Pakistan would be the State of Muslim religious people. This dividing theory of

the Indian sub-continent is historically known as ‘Two-nation Theory’. For details, see Verma

(2001).

12

Sneha Kumar Chakma was the main proposer of the CHT being part of India. He was a Chakma

elite who led the persuasion to include the CHT in the confederation under the control of India. But

separation took place, and the CHT was included in Pakistan. Sneha Kumar Chakma fled to Tripura

to escape arrest and possible prosecution. There he became a member of Tripura State Assembly,

and he later died there.

42 N. Uddin

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politically engaged between the CHT vs state relationship. Most of the Pahari, including

the Khumi were, indeed, beyond the political dynamics of historical separation that took

place in the South Asian sub-continent. However, the Pakistan Government took it as

pro-Indian and pro-Burmese activity. Therefore, from the very beginning of the Pakistani

regime, the state became antagonistic towards the CHT and Pahari people. The

Government of Pakistan amended the 1900 Act several times against the wishes of the

Pahari people in order to find a legal excuse to accelerate the migration of non-Pahari

people to the CHT. The Pakistani Government interpreted the 1900 Act as a legacy of

British colonial administration, which helped separate the CHT from the rest of the

country. The Pakistan Government attempted to bring the CHT under the strict control of

the state. The predicament of the Pahari people began with the building of a hydroelectric

dam

13

in the early 1960s (1959–1962), which flooded 1036 square kilometers of land,

submerged 40 per cent of the best cultivable land and displaced 18,000 Pahari people from

their ancestral homes in the CHT. The construction of the Kaptai Dam and the abolition

of the CHT Regulation Act 1900 were two major policies adopted by the postcolonial state

of Pakistan to establish the state’s hegemony upon the CHT and Pahari people. ‘The

tribals viewed such an act as the beginning of a planned policy to dent their separate

identity’ (Shelley 1992, p. 30) from the state. The Pakistan government primarily respected

the CHT Regulation Act 1900, which designated the CHT as an ‘excluded area’ until

1962,

14

when the government abolished it by making an amendment to the constitution.

However, in 1963, the new military government changed the administrative status of the

CHT. By a constitutional amendment of 1963, which came into effect in 1964, the special

status of the CHT was abolished altogether. During these couple of years, the identity of

the CHT shifted from ‘excluded area’ to ‘tribal area’, and ‘hill people’ (Pahari)

immediately became widely designated as ‘tribal’

15

people. This shift is regarded as the

opening of the state’s direct control over the CHT, which caused a deterioration in the

relationship between the CHT customary administration and the state of Pakistan. During

this time, there was a flow of Bengali people entering the CHT region, and it was

encouraged and stimulated by the state. Shelley wrote:

In 1965, the High Court of East Pakistan declared Rule-51 of regulation, 1900 as Ultra-vires

of the constitution, and as a result the Deputy Commissioner could not expel any non-political

persons from CHT. Moreover, an amendment to rule-34 [of CHT regulation 1900] gave non-

tribals having resided in the area continuously for fifteen years property right. This was

interpreted by the tribals as a serious blow to their special status. (1992, pp. 30–31)

13

Kaptai Hydroelectric Dam is an artificial lake, which was constructed to produce electricity. The

dam, built over the Karnaphuli (river) next to Kaptai (river), is about 666 meters long and 43 meters

high. This had drastically changed the topographical, ecological and demographic nature of the

CHT, which caused huge damage for the Pahari people living in the CHT. Therefore, Kaptai

Hydroelectric Dam is often regarded as the ‘death hole’ of the CHT.

14

Even in the first constitution written in 1956, the Pakistan Government retained the CHT

Regulation Act 1900 and status of ‘Excluded Area’. However, it was finally abolished by the

Pakistani Government in 1963.

15

‘Tribal’ was used in a very derogatory sense, as the Pahari people living in the CHT were socially

and culturally different from the non-Pahari people of then Pakistan. ‘Tribal’ was used in a sense

that the people who were ‘primitive’ in life style, animist in religion, swidden cultivators in livelihood

and ‘nude’, ‘illiterate’, ‘uncivilized’ and ‘wild’, etc. So according to the Pakistan State discourse the

area inhabited by these stereotype ‘tribal’ people should be designated as ‘tribal area’.

Asian Ethnicity 43

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During the entire Pakistan period, the plight of the Khumi remained unchanged, and they

were apparently less affected by the consequences that other inhabitants of the CHT

experienced after the construction of Kaptai Dam. This was because the Khumi were

exclusively located in Bandarban, and Kaptai Dam was constructed in Rangamati,

another part of the CHT. However, the displaced people, some of whom migrated to

Bandarban, created some problems, such as the occupation of cultivable land in the hills.

Apart from this, the Khumi were largely beyond the entire process of historical partition

between India and Pakistan. It mattered little to the life of Khumi and their social setting

whether they were included within the state of Pakistan or India, as they were indeed far

beyond the political dynamics taking place in state affairs. The Khumi were also beyond

the debate about whether the Regulation Act 1900 should be abolished or not, with which

the Pahari people are still concerned. In fact, the Regulation Act 1900 did not bring

anything significant for the Khumi, and its abolition hardly had any effect on their lives.

The Khumi were still under the rule of Bomang Raja, and they remained loyal to their

customary office accordingly during the British period and even the Pakistan period.

Nevertheless, the Khumi gradually started to come out of the villages, and therefore inter-

ethnic interaction was also escalating. Consequently, they were slowly connected with the

greater dynamism of the CHT vs state relationship. They gradually came to know the state

affairs in the course of interaction with other Pahari people, especially the Marma, the

Mru and the Bawm, among whom the Marma were actively engaged in matters of state.

Emergence of the state in the Khumi-world: the story of the Bangladesh period

The Bangladesh period brought a completely new phase for the Pahari people including

the Khumi. Bangladesh became an independent state on 16 December 1971, after winning

the nine-month-long liberation war against Pakistan. Immediately after the liberation war,

a strong allegation was raised by the Government of Bangladesh against the Pahari

people, accusing them of being war collaborators with the anti-liberation wings. Mohsin

stated, ‘The Hill people due to the decision of the Chakma Raja were in general viewed as

collaborators of the Pakistan army’ (2002, p. 56). This sort of mistrust led to the

continuation of the state’s atrocity towards the CHT and the Pahari during the

Bangladesh period. Though the Pahari elites and Chakma Raja took a stance in favor of

Pakistan for some personal reasons, the majority of Pahari, including the Khumi, were far

beyond the liberation war of Bangladesh. Shelley explained:

In 1970 general election, M. N. Larma

16

and A. S. Pru Chowdhury were elected as

independent candidates to the East Pakistan Assembly; and Raja Tridiv Roy, the Chakma

chief to the National Assembly. Despite the presence of elected representatives, the tribal

people could not take quick decision as to which side they would choose in the liberation war

of Bangladesh. The confusion was confounded as the mainstream Awami League leadership

never showed any enthusiasm in bringing the tribal people in to the war effort . . . Some of the

tribal youths managed to join the liberation war but more were induced by Pakistani military

into what came to be known as Civil Armed Forces, a body to collaborate against the

16

Manabendra Narayan Larma (1941–1983) was a lawyer and politician, founder of Parbatya

Chattagram Jana-Samhati Samiti (PCJSS or JSS) an organization of Pahari people. M. N. Larma

was elected member of the East Pakistan Provincial Assembly in 1970 as an independent candidate.

After the independence of Bangladesh, M. N. Larma was elected member to the parliament in 1973

as a nominee of the PCJSS. But, Larma was, at one stage of inter-group conflict within the armed

wing Shanti Bahini (Peace Troops) of JSS, assassinated on 10 November 1983.

44 N. Uddin

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liberation was of Bangladesh. At the same time, he Chakma chief Raja Tridiv Roy traveled to

the United Nations as a member of Pakistan delegation dispatched to launch anti-Bangladesh

propaganda. (1992, p. 33)

Notwithstanding that the role of Chakma Raja and some Pahari youths left reasons for

the Bangladesh state to treat them as war collaborators, the majority of Pahari people

remained neutral, for example the Khumi. However, the state’s antagonism continued

during the Bangladesh period with new force and face. Soon after the Pakistani army

withdrew, the Mukti Bahini (liberation forces of Bangladesh) went on a rampage against

the Pahari, including the Khumi in the CHT, condemning them for working against

Bangladesh during the liberation war.

17

On 15 February 1972, a delegation of Pahari

people led by M. N. Larma (a Chakma), called on then Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur

Rahman. They submitted a written memorandum with four-point charter of demands

consisting of (1) granting autonomy of the CHT and setting up its own Legislative

Assembly, (2) inclusion of statute similar to the Regulation of 1900 in the Constitution, (3)

retention of the offices of the tribal kings, and (4) imposition of constitutional restrictions

on making amendments to the Regulations of 1900 and prohibition of settlement of

Bengalis in the CHT.

Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman categorically rejected these demands and

urged them to become Bengali, abandoning the idea of separate identity. In March 1972,

in response to the state refusal, the Parbatya Chattogram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS,

[JSS in short] or Chittagong Hill Tracts United People’s Party) was formed under the

leadership of M. N. Larma, aiming to launch a democratic movement for Pahari’s right to

autonomy. With the formation of the JSS as a regional political platform, they declared

themselves ‘Jumma people’ as a collective identity of Pahari people, and their movement

virtually turned into ‘Jumma Movement’.

18

A brief explanation is required as to how and

why the JSS proposed ‘Jumma’ to address the Pahari people. The leadership of JSS

proposed the term ‘Jumma’ because, according to them, the common ground to bring the

Pahari people under a single identity is their common means of livelihood, jhum. Since

there has been remarkable ethnic diversity among the Pahari groups in languages and

sociocultural organizations etc., Jumma is considered a basis for collective identity.

Therefore, the JSS proposed their movement as the ‘Jumma Movement’, the CHT as

‘Jumma Land’ and the entire Pahari people as ‘Jumma People’. Immediately after the

emergence of the JSS, a military wing, Shanti Bahini (SB or Peace Troops), was added to

17

It is reported that out of wrath of Mukti Bahini, 16 Pahari people were killed in the CHT on 5

December 1971. More incidents followed in Dighinala and Barkal. In fact, violence continued in the

CHT region through the entire month of December, the month of independence. However, there was

much evidence of active participation of Pahari people in the liberation war of Bangladesh in which

Rono Bikrom Tripura and Asok Mitra Karbari were famous and well-known to everybody. For

details, see Chakma (1986) and Mohsin (2002).

18

Despite having considerable differences among the various Pahari groups in social and cultural

organizations, JSS invented the ‘Jumma Nationalism’ to strengthen the solidarity of CHT people

and establish it as a collective movement for reported CHT autonomy and self-determination.

However many scholars criticized the concept of ‘Jumma Nationalism’, there have been many ethnic

groups living in different parts of the world who are still exclusively dependent on jhum cultivation.

Moreover, jhum had been their only means of livelihood for generations. Therefore, ‘Jumma people’

or ‘Jumma Nationalism’ does not necessarily denote Pahari people of Bangladesh. For details (see

Schendel 1992a).

Asian Ethnicity 45

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it. The state regarded it as a terrorist group and designated the ‘Jumma Movement’ as a

‘separatist movement’ and ‘secessionist movement’ (e.g. Ahmed 1993; Ali 1993;

Rashiduzzaman 2002). The Bangladesh state adopted two major policies to marginalize

the Pahari people, and establish the state hegemony upon the CHT. These were (1) the full

militarization of the CHT region

19

and (2) the implementation of rampant migration of

Bengali

20

people to change the demographic composition of the CHT. Shanti Bahini

activities were considered to be a problem for national security and a threat to the state’s

sovereignty (e.g. Ahmed 1993; Ali 1993; Mohsin 2002, 2002). Therefore, Bangladesh

security forces often resorted to mass detention and torture of the helpless villagers,

including the Khumi, and left many of them crippled for life.

The JSS’s armed front, SB, had been fighting with arms against Bangladesh’s security

forces since 1973. More than 20,000 people, both Bengalees and Pahari, in consequence,

were killed (e.g. Rashiduzzaman 2002; Uddin 2005). Human rights violations, counter-

insurgency and abduction in the CHT became a common phenomenon. A number of

Pahari women and girls were raped by the security personnel and the Bengalee settlers (e.g.

Ahmed 1993; Roy 2003; Uddin 2005). During the early 1980s, the Government of

Bangladesh (GoB) had instigated the migration to various parts of the CHT of more than

400,000 Bengali settlers, who had been rehabilitated on the lands of the Pahari people. The

land had been forcibly occupied by the Bengali settlers with the explicit and active

cooperation of the security forces (e.g. Shelley 1992; Schendel, 1992a; Roy 2003).

Innumerable incidents of tortures, violence, genocide, attacks and burnings of Pahari

villages had been committed by the Bengalee settlers as well as by the security forces, in

which many Pahari people were killed, and about 55,000 Pahari fled as refugees to the

state of Tripura in India in 1986 (Ali 1993; Barua 2001). In addition, a number of Pahari

people had been internally displaced in the CHT.

Within this confrontational political history and conflicting relationship of the CHT vs

state during the Bangladesh period, the Khumi no longer remained isolated and, indeed,

they were brought under the political, demographic and military operation of the region.

Three of the Khumi villages nearest to Bandarban town were occupied by Bengali settlers

with the explicit support of the local administration and military personnel. Those Khumi

were forced to move out of their villages. They became homeless and took shelter in other

Khumi villages. From the late 1970s, almost all the Khumi villages were brought under

direct military observation. Whenever, the military wanted and wished, they called the

karbari of the particular Khumi village. Since the Khumi could not speak Bengali, they

faced a serious problem in dealing with the non-Pahari people in person. Though the

Khumi were far beyond the CHT movement and SB activities, they were often charged

with being related to the SB activities. For imagined allegations, the Khumi were often

19

The CHT issue was identified as a national security issue, and the government set up the permanent

military camp in the CHT. A large number of Bangladesh Military, Anser (Para-military) and police

force were deployed in the CHT on a limited scale in Sheik Mujib regime (1971–1975) but on a large

scale in Ziaur Rahman regime (1975–1982).

20

There had been Bengali migration to the CHT from early seventeenth century and onward

although on very limited scale. This tendency was proliferated by the Pakistan state between 1964

and 1971. After the independence of Bangladesh, migration of Bengalis was also on very limited

scale during the Mujib regime. However, during the Zia regime, the large amount of migration took

place with the state policy and patronization. It is reported that around 400,000 non-Pahari Bengali

population migrated to the CHT during the early 1980s, which is regarded as the Bengalization of

the CHT.

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given inhuman punishment. Thewlung Khumi (pseudonym), the karbari of a Khumi

village, explained:

We are Pahari (people of hill) people. We live in nature. We work all day long to earn our

livelihood all the year round. We don’t have any leisure time even for gossiping with other

people. We never interfere, we don’t want to, in the state management. We, even, don’t have

any connection with JSS movement let alone SB activities. There are three reasons why we

don’t have any relationship with the JSS activities. These are (1) the activists of the movement

led by Chakma or Marma don’t come to our village to mobilise us because we live too far from

the town, and it is too mountainous for them to move easily and frequently, (2) we can’t

communicate with them as we can’t speak Chakma and they can’t speak Khumi language and

(3) we hardly understand the politics of CHT and state. Nevertheless, the military personnel

think that we are actively engaged in the CHT movement. They frequently ask us to meet them

going at their cantonment. It takes time, money, and energy to go there. However, we have to

go. Otherwise, they abundantly torture us. When I go there, they ask me lot of questions. I half

understand what they ask about and I can’t properly express what I want to say due to

language barrier. Then, they harass me blaming for lying and sometimes beat me accusing of

being activist of JSS and SB. Sometimes, they ask me to bring hens and some fresh vegetables

from jhum for them. Every time, I bring three or four hens and adequate fresh vegetables for

them. Sometimes, it becomes very difficult for us to bring hens and vegetables for them as we,

most of the time, can’t afford even our own food for a year. If I don’t bring hens and adequate

vegetables, they become very angry and dissatisfied with me and misbehave, sometimes torture

me. These are the common things, which happened since Bangladesh became independent and

military occupied this region. It seems that Bangladesh got independence but we lost it.

In addition, the author gained some shocking information about how the Khumi paid a

high price for the confrontational relationship of the CHT vs state. A Khumi girl was

raped, along with many Pahari girls from different ethnic groups, by Bengali settlers and

the military soldiers in the late 1980s in Ruma. Two young Khumi were also shot, along

with many other Pahari youths, by the military force in Thanchi in the mid-1990s. In

addition, there have been numerous events of torture, harassment and humiliation in the

experience of the Khumi. According to the author’s findings, it is true that the Khumi did

not have any active participation and engagement in the CHT movement and military

activities of the SB. Despite having no formal relation with the JSS and SB, they

informally supported them in special contexts owing to, according to them, their sense of

humanity. When SB fighters became injured in warfare against the military forces of

Bangladesh and took shelter in any Khumi village, the Khumi used to help them, take care

of them and provide them with food and shelter. Sometimes, they used to give them some

additional food items and money for the immediate future when they left the village. The

Khumi had, they agree, this sort of support and involvement with the JSS movement and

SB activities. However, they clarified their position in different ways. They argued that, if

the wounded persons were not SB fighters but military personnel, they would do the

same—taking care of them and providing them with food—for the sake of humanity.

The Khumi faced more serious problems for being members of a marginalized

community. They encountered problems not only facing Bengali settlers and military

personnel, but they also had to face some critical problems created by other Pahari groups,

such as the Marma in Bandarban. During the Bangladesh period, different international

NGOs and UN Organizations—UNDP, UNICEF, ADB, ILO, WHO etc.—came forward

with some development programs for the Pahari people. One of them was establishing

some residential schools in Bandarban with UNICEF for minority Pahari people.

Strategically, the institutions were set up to be run mostly by the Pahari people. Since the

Marma, among others in Bandarban, were comparatively educated, they gained the

Asian Ethnicity 47

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opportunity to administer the educational institutions and different development

programs. The Marma categorically discriminated against the marginalized Pahari people

such as the Khumi, rather giving privilege to the Marma, even though the principle of

those projects was to prioritize the marginalized Pahari.

In spite of numerous cruel experiences, the Khumi gradually came out of the village in

search of education during the late 1990s. UNDP established three residential education

complexes—Ruma Abashik, Mru Complex and Alikodom Abashik—in Bandarban. Ruma

Abashik (Ruma Residential Hostel) or Mru Complex was convenient for the Khumi

people, but it was set up exclusively for the Mru people. By negotiation with Marma and

Bengali administrators, the first two Khumi students—Soilo Khumi and Keyang Khumi

(pseudonyms)—gained admission and virtually launched the entrance of the Khumi in the

arena of education in 1980. The Khumi mark it as the threshold of their development

during the Bangladesh period. Following this, a number of Khumi gradually gained

admission in the following couple of years and started to be educated, which has continued

to this day. Now Soilo Khumi is a government primary school teacher, and Keyang

Khumi is an NGO worker. Since the Khumi started coming out of the villages and tried to

become educated, they started being connected with the town and came in contact with

Bengali. In addition, the communication systems—using Sangu River and hilly roads—

were also gradually developing, which intensified the growing physical mobility of the

Khumi. Consequently, increasing connection with the town areas created access to local

markets to bring their jhum goods for sale. One or two Khumi started taking part in

different meetings with the local government, NGOs, UN organization and so on, which

required representatives from all Pahari groups of the CHT to attend. Sometimes, the

Khumi were also invited to attend the meeting with the JSS to exchange views in which the

Bangladesh Government took steps to resolve the conflict with the JSS through

negotiation.

This section offers that, throughout the conflict involving the JSS and the state, the

Khumi were considered ‘one of Pahari groups’ by the state, and were themselves politically

uninvolved in the JSS, and were also marginalized by other ‘mainstream Pahari’, as can be

seen in the meager opportunities given to them in education. However, after the 1990s, a

few Khumi have been able to move towards being educated, connected with the market,

and therefore, politically conscious.

Amidst crossfire: the Khumi in recurrent sociopolitical dynamics of the CHT

During the mid-1990s, a dialogue started between the GoB and JSS, the reported political

organization representing the Pahari people, to discuss how to resolve the ethnic conflict in

the CHT. After 27

21

consecutive sittings of dialogue, finally on 2 December 1997, the JSS

reached an agreement with the government and signed the ‘Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace

Accord’. The main provisions of the accord were (1) declaring the area as a ‘tribal-

inhabited region’ with constitutional protection, (2) demilitarization in the process of

gradual withdrawal of temporary military camps, (3) total rehabilitation of the returning

21

The dialogue was launched during the President Ershad period (1982–1990) when GoB and JSS set

up dialogue seven times. During the Khaleda Zia period (1991–1996), when the Bangladesh National

Party (BNP) was in power, Gob and JSS set up 13 times. And during the Sheik Hasina Period (June

1996–December 1997), GoB and JSS set up seven times. Finally, both came in the end to sign the

historic CHT Treaty in December 1997.

48 N. Uddin

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refugees, including internally displaced families, and (4) the full empowerment of the

Regional Council according to the provision of the accord.

In the context of signing a peace accord in 1997, it was believed that this historic

accord would bring peace and ensure safety for the Pahari people, including the Khumi, as

well as usher in a new epoch in development activities in the region. Immediately after the

peace accord, the government intentionally delayed implementing the clauses of accord,

and the JSS gradually strengthened its criticism against the government for violating the

agreement. The CHT situation again deteriorated. Deterioration of the situation brought

the peace accord under serious question. The Pahari people began to lose hope in the

expectation of peace in the CHT. Meanwhile, a young group of Pahari people began

blaming the JSS for ‘selling out the CHT’ in the name of the peace accord. This section of

young Pahari, mostly from Marma, Chakma, Tripura, Bawm and Tanchangya, formed a

new organization named the United Peoples’ Democratic Front (UPDF)

22

to generate a

movement against both the GoB and JSS. Now the CHT is in a multi-faceted conflict

among the GoB, the JSS and the UPDF, along with prevailing Bengali vs Pahari conflict.

The Khumi were only minimally involved in this political mobilization of the Pahari

people, such as through the growing contact between local Pahari leaders and educated

Khumi. During this same period, the Khumi have been undergoing considerable social

and cultural transformation. Around 12 Khumi—nine boys and three girls—passed

School Secondary Certificate (SSC) Examination and two Khumi passed Higher

Secondary Certificate (HSC) over a couple of years. The Khumi are gradually becoming

connected with Bandarban, Chittagong and even the capital Dhaka for different purposes.

This plays a meaningful role in changing their worldview and encouraging their physical

mobility, which accelerates their engagement in the sociopolitical dynamism of the CHT.

Most importantly, increasing connection with towns and the growing physical mobility of

the Khumi create access to the market. The Khumi, therefore, began to take up new

livelihood strategies in addition to their traditional jhum chash, so that they could produce

surplus to export to the market. The educated Khumi are working in different jobs,

including local and national NGOs, teaching in community primary school and

government primary school and working as medical representatives for international

NGOs. During the same period, in 1986, there emerged a new religious movement called

Krama,

23

which was being rapidly disseminated. The religious movement is bringing the

Khumi into the discourse of ‘self-consciousness’, ‘knowing themselves’ and ‘realizing their

positioning’ within the context of the CHT. According to Krama religious principles, ‘God

helps those who help themselves to improve their condition’.

24

Such religious stimulation

to improve their condition also worked as a motivating force to be aware of their situation

within the state, where the Khumi position themselves on the margin.

22

UPDF promulgates their objects for the full autonomy of the CHT. According to their language,

‘The aim of the Party is to ensure the existence of all nationalities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts

through the establishment of FULL AUTONOMY, and to establish a democratic society free from

oppression and exploitation. Equality of nations, equality of both sexes and non-communal and

democratic ideal shall constitute the basis of all activities of the party; it shall show respect to the

freedom, sovereignty and integrity of the country.’ See also the UPDF website: http://

www.updfcht.org/index.html (accessed 5 January 2007).

23

Krama is the name of a new religion initiated by a young Mru named Manle Mru in 1986. Krama

is gradually spreading across Mru and the Khumi villages. Meanwhile, a considerable number of

Khumi have converted to the Krama religion.

24

Paion Khumi, a Krama religious preacher, narrated this verse of the Krama religion when the

author was undertaking fieldwork among the Khumi of Bandarban of the CHT.

Asian Ethnicity 49

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The Khumi—mostly those who are educated and have regular connection with the

town areas, but also their co-villagers to whom these pioneers have disseminated and with

whom they share their views and experiences—apprehend their marginal position within

the CHT and the state as well as try to find the reasons behind it. They have been deprived

of all development schemes adopted by the state, national and international NGOs as well

as different UN organizations. The Khumi realize that not only Bengali, but also Pahari

leaders—mostly from the Chakma, the Marma and the Tripura, but the Marma in the

context of Bandarban—have intentionally deprived the Khumi, giving an excuse that the

Khumi live in the ‘remote’ areas of the CHT. Rather, the Pahari leaders used most of

the development initiatives—with the help of various foreign aid through the Danish,

Sweden and Garman embassies, UN Supports for Indigenous People, development

activities of the CHT under national and international NGOs and state-sponsored

mainstream development projects—largely for the betterment of the Chakma, the Marma

and the Tripura. The numerical minority Pahari groups such as the Khumi (1214) have

been deliberately ignored in such development enterprises. This is one of the main reasons,

according to them, why the Khumi are less, and later, educated as well as isolated from

mainstream development. In addition, the lack of ability to speak the Bengali language has

been used as a tool for depriving the Khumi from the development programs of the CHT.

Most of the state-sponsored development activities regulated by the Bengali adminis-

trators prioritize those people who have the ability to speak the Bengali language. The

Pahari leaders, according to the explanation of a few educated Khumi, motivate the local

administrations to keep out the minority ethnic groups such as the Khumi, addressing the

problems of communication and language. The Khumi realize that they have been

deliberately excluded in the mainstream development schemes adopted for the CHT and

Pahari people in collaboration with the Pahari elites. According to the Soilo Khumi, a

government primary school teacher

Since we were not educated, we didn’t have regular contact with town areas, we couldn’t speak

in Bengali language and we were less aware about the emerging Pahari elitism and their selfish

role, we have been deprived from all development activities of CHT. The Marma, the

Chakma, and the Tripura used all facilities for their development in the name of all Pahari.

Therefore, they are educated, economically developed and established in terms of social

position and prestige while we have gradually become marginalized.

The author observed mostly similar feelings among many Khumi, especially those who are

educated, have ideas about the sociopolitical dynamics of the CHT and are dedicated to

their own community. Observation reveals that there are four factors for what the Khumi

think of being marginalized. These are (a) exclusion from mainstream development

initiatives, and from any state support for the betterment of their lives, (b) low level of

education, (c) poor standard of livings, and (d) no engagement in the administrative

management of the CHT and the state. According to their narratives, their lack of ability

to speak the Bengali language, living in remote areas and ignorance of CHT political

dynamism are used by the state and Pahari elites as tools of deliberate deprivation that

pushed the Khumi to the margin of the state.

However, they are now gradually becoming aware of what is happening among the

Pahari and between Pahari and the state. Meanwhile, the Khumi have been participating

in the election of local government since 1989. They can therefore play an important role

in electing particular candidates at the local level. Consequently, they now hold a position

within the constitutional framework of the democratic process of the CHT region and the

country. Nevertheless, the Khumi are directly involved with neither the JSS nor the UPDF

50 N. Uddin

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in the political dynamism of the CHT. However, they are now becoming politically

conscious owing to the experience of the state’s appearance through military presence and

the intrusion of Bengalis into their lives as well as the selfish role of the Pahari elites.

Conclusion

Despite the ambiguity of the ‘origin’ of the Khumi, their existence in the Arakan hills of

Burma (now Myanmar) and later migration to the (C)HT region at the end of the

seventeenth century are unequivocal. After settling down, the task for them was to

generate their livelihood strategy in the new ecological setting. There might have been

history of warfare in Khumi life earlier but, after their relocation and appearance in the

CHT region, they have led a peaceful life. The Khumi therefore remained outside the

regional conflict, political polarization in state affairs and transmission of power from

Mughal to British, British to Pakistan, and Pakistan to Bangladesh. They were in

ignorance about the transfer of rulers, even of their own dwelling place, the CHT in the

course of political renovation and regional segmentation of South Asian sub-continent.

They have automatically been shifted from one state to another, living in the same areas

from the colonial to the postcolonial era. The Khumi, from the very beginning of their

settlement in this region, have been exclusively involved in producing their livelihood and

maintaining their lives according to their social systems and cultural conventions. Their

physical mobility, interpersonal interaction and affinal and consanguine relationships took

place among their villages and lineages throughout the entire pre-British, British and late

Pakistan period. During the Bangladesh period, the Khumi started coming out of the

village, getting educated and gradually connecting with the market at a local level. With

the increase in physical mobility, the Khumi started appearing in sociopolitical dynamics,

inter-ethnic composition and constitutional framework of the CHT. They have gradually

become connected with urban life and the marketplace from local to district level.

However, their involvement in the sociopolitical affairs of the CHT brings critical

awareness in their lives. The diversified mobility brings a trend of transition in their

everyday lives, on the one hand. Critical awareness in their lives, on the other hand, brings

political consciousness among the Khumi. Both the transition in everyday life and political

consciousness stimulate the Khumi to understand their position on the margin of the state

within sociopolitical and ethnic history, as well as the recurrent dynamics, of the CHT vs

state. Realization of their positioning encourages them to improve their politico-economic

condition and standard of living. In this endeavor, the Khumi are making an effort to

engender their leadership in an attempt to move from the margin of the state.

Acknowledgements

The author expresses heartfelt gratitude to his academic supervisor Yoko Hayami, professor of

cultural anthropology at CSEAS and ASAFAS at Kyoto University, who has helped with great care

in providing comments, corrections and constant guidance. In addition, he thanks the anonymous

reviewers of the Journal, whose comments have enriched the paper.

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